America's diminishing verities

WITH all its flaws, with all the harsh testaments of its historical wrongs, with all the gaudy exuberances of its mores, with all the imperfect articulations of its human structures, with all its comprehensive tarnishments that are forever confronted and rectified in ceaseless debates and animated discourses - America was the greatest illustration of the defining moment of man since the infant Rome stirred in the fullness of democratic glory and martial power.

Since it broke upon the world with its industry and scholarship, with its enterprise and dazzling creativity, with its adventurous individualism, rescuing Europe from the first ferment of the Teutonic fury, America was the agreed aspirational beacon, the far-flung distant possibility that lesser nations quest to imitate in idealised dreams.

In the vigour of its liberty, in the equity of its justice, in its instinctive accommodating truth, giving embrace to everyone without being detained by primordial bigotry, nudging excellence regardless of colour, shattering the outposts of communistic deceit, firmly colliding against the janissaries of roguish Mohammedanism without excuses, without the belittling hand-wringing of thoughtless leadership - America stood tall, rooted in that sturdiness of character and attainments that define a great Republic.

It was then the voice of those who writhed in the severe anonymity of the dungeons of tyranny. It was the resuscitative hope of the despaired dying band from the gulags of Bolshevism to the primitive theatres of despotic Africa. It was a defiant moralistic symbol that was confident of its own truth, restrained by its own value, resolute to grapple with any foe in the pursuit and the defence of liberty.

Hence the Kennedy admonition: "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty."

That was yesterday. That was when the rallying leadership of a great Republic was truly a representative man who embodied the spirit of the age. That was when power was overborne by a mighty presence who invoked the summative vision of a people, steering the statecraft with iron will, confronting the challenges of the hour with grit and gravitas, etching in everyone the pride of the Republic.

For truly, like Emerson tells us, the greatness of a nation is most observable in the burnishing luster of a symbol, in the nuances and graces of a representative icon who espouses our collective dream, who defines the nation's possibilities. In this idealisation, the leadership is the mirror of the national will, the confronting emblem of the national content.

Today the American national content largely resides in Barack Obama. By the virtue of his position alone, he is the greatest testimony of America's redeeming possibilities. In the loftiness of his height, in the unprecedented eminence of his presidential perch, Obama best illustrates the collective will of a people to vault the ancient barriers of colour, to stamp out the divisive barricades, to embrace everyone by the reckoning of character and excellence. Sprung from the obscurity of the Illinois legislative assembly, vaulted from the freshman anonymity of the American Senate, Obama now presides from the unifying eminence of a national badge.

He is an emblem alright! But where is the gravitas? Where is the eminence? Where is the national will? Where is that defining corpus of national fixity and determination? Everywhere, there is a wobble and unsteady gaze. Certainty is gone. The stern resolve of yesterday is now replaced with moral preachments and stifling ambiguity.

Mr. Obama is a good man, an emblematic symbol of peace who resides in some utopian corpus that believes that every tyrant can be swayed through rhetorics, that insists every murderous mullah can be steered to civility through pandering gestures and aimless speechifying.

And yet Mr. Obama is a good man. Since he is convinced in some muddled rationality that his predecessor was some arrogant fiend who had scourged the world in primitive licence, Mr. Obama in his vestal majesty must now atone for the 'evil' ways of yesterday by kowtowing, genuflecting from Venezuela to the dunes of Araby. America is now warped in diminutive comicality. Obama's presidency is steeped in prostration and appeasement. The revanchist nationalists in Russia, sponsoring proxy wars and fragmentations of former Soviet states are quixotically parried by the dismantlement of the defences of allied states, thus exposing vulnerable democracies to the grasping claws of an angry, resurgent Bear.

The ill-conceived pacific gestures to Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmedinejad are violently scoffed at and derided as feeble rantings from America. And why does Mr. Obama bow in sheer perpendicular ridiculousness before ancient, effete monarchs from the dunes of Araby to the Nipponese enclave? Bowing and looking down the toes of the Saudi Arabian king and His Imperial Majesty of the Chrysanthemum throne of a non-existing Japanese empire degrades Mr. Obama, degrades the American people, affronts the American Constitution, demeans the spirit of 1776.

Asked if she would bow before any of these feudal potentates, Sarah Palin, the former governor of Alaska responded: "No, sir." That is the American way. It is in the spirit of the constitution which forbids any American official to accept a title or honour from any potentate. Bowing before any of these feudal lords is even worse. It is an encouragement of feudal latitude. Mr. Obama should know that extending courtesy to a feudal lord does not inhere in the nullification of one's tradition. Excessive accommodation of other people's custom to the detriment of one's own is not a sign of civility but a testimony of weakness.

Indeed, there is an untoward solicitousness about Mr. Obama. He is desperately grasping for acceptability, believing falsely that America must be remoulded in the warped image of the leftist in Europe and in the confused agenda of the Nobel clique who would give a bogus award in the perverted anticipation of presidential attainments! Surely, being president is not about being detained by ancestral chains or being halted by constant droning of one's beginning. Those are not the measures that gave Obama victory over John McCain. Being president is about standing beyond the fray of colour, eclipsing everything in an American identity, confronting the challenges of the hour in the fullness of the American ideal.

Yes, being president is about standing tall, wielding the big stick, aligning with the dispossessed, giving voice to the unheard, colliding with tyranny from Sudan to Venezuela. In a world rivened by brigands and murderous zealots, distorted by chaotic state actors and strutting charlatans, tormented by virulent psychopaths who would blow up the world as well as themselves; all protesting the righteous purity of their visions - there is a need for an arbitrating moral arbiter. There is a need for the moderating majesty of a great power who stands above the fray with firm authoritative bearing, who intervenes on behalf of everyone with the full vigour of a democratic behemon, ultimately restrained by the redeeming values of its own tradition. The behemon is America. But no more!

Last week The Spectator of London put on its cover a ghoulish empty suit leaning across the table of the Oval Office like a cringing haunting spectre with voided substantiation. It is captioned in damning assertiveness: "The worst kind of ally." Alas, this is what the thoughtful democratic league now believes of the presiding power in America.

America's diminishing verities

WITH all its flaws, with all the harsh testaments of its historical wrongs, with all the gaudy exuberances of its mores, with all the imperfect articulations of its human structures, with all its comprehensive tarnishments that are forever confronted and rectified in ceaseless debates and animated discourses - America was the greatest illustration of the defining moment of man since the infant Rome stirred in the fullness of democratic glory and martial power.

Since it broke upon the world with its industry and scholarship, with its enterprise and dazzling creativity, with its adventurous individualism, rescuing Europe from the first ferment of the Teutonic fury, America was the agreed aspirational beacon, the far-flung distant possibility that lesser nations quest to imitate in idealised dreams.

In the vigour of its liberty, in the equity of its justice, in its instinctive accommodating truth, giving embrace to everyone without being detained by primordial bigotry, nudging excellence regardless of colour, shattering the outposts of communistic deceit, firmly colliding against the janissaries of roguish Mohammedanism without excuses, without the belittling hand-wringing of thoughtless leadership - America stood tall, rooted in that sturdiness of character and attainments that define a great Republic.

It was then the voice of those who writhed in the severe anonymity of the dungeons of tyranny. It was the resuscitative hope of the despaired dying band from the gulags of Bolshevism to the primitive theatres of despotic Africa. It was a defiant moralistic symbol that was confident of its own truth, restrained by its own value, resolute to grapple with any foe in the pursuit and the defence of liberty.

Hence the Kennedy admonition: "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty."

That was yesterday. That was when the rallying leadership of a great Republic was truly a representative man who embodied the spirit of the age. That was when power was overborne by a mighty presence who invoked the summative vision of a people, steering the statecraft with iron will, confronting the challenges of the hour with grit and gravitas, etching in everyone the pride of the Republic.

For truly, like Emerson tells us, the greatness of a nation is most observable in the burnishing luster of a symbol, in the nuances and graces of a representative icon who espouses our collective dream, who defines the nation's possibilities. In this idealisation, the leadership is the mirror of the national will, the confronting emblem of the national content.

Today the American national content largely resides in Barack Obama. By the virtue of his position alone, he is the greatest testimony of America's redeeming possibilities. In the loftiness of his height, in the unprecedented eminence of his presidential perch, Obama best illustrates the collective will of a people to vault the ancient barriers of colour, to stamp out the divisive barricades, to embrace everyone by the reckoning of character and excellence. Sprung from the obscurity of the Illinois legislative assembly, vaulted from the freshman anonymity of the American Senate, Obama now presides from the unifying eminence of a national badge.

He is an emblem alright! But where is the gravitas? Where is the eminence? Where is the national will? Where is that defining corpus of national fixity and determination? Everywhere, there is a wobble and unsteady gaze. Certainty is gone. The stern resolve of yesterday is now replaced with moral preachments and stifling ambiguity.

Mr. Obama is a good man, an emblematic symbol of peace who resides in some utopian corpus that believes that every tyrant can be swayed through rhetorics, that insists every murderous mullah can be steered to civility through pandering gestures and aimless speechifying.

And yet Mr. Obama is a good man. Since he is convinced in some muddled rationality that his predecessor was some arrogant fiend who had scourged the world in primitive licence, Mr. Obama in his vestal majesty must now atone for the 'evil' ways of yesterday by kowtowing, genuflecting from Venezuela to the dunes of Araby. America is now warped in diminutive comicality. Obama's presidency is steeped in prostration and appeasement. The revanchist nationalists in Russia, sponsoring proxy wars and fragmentations of former Soviet states are quixotically parried by the dismantlement of the defences of allied states, thus exposing vulnerable democracies to the grasping claws of an angry, resurgent Bear.

The ill-conceived pacific gestures to Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmedinejad are violently scoffed at and derided as feeble rantings from America. And why does Mr. Obama bow in sheer perpendicular ridiculousness before ancient, effete monarchs from the dunes of Araby to the Nipponese enclave? Bowing and looking down the toes of the Saudi Arabian king and His Imperial Majesty of the Chrysanthemum throne of a non-existing Japanese empire degrades Mr. Obama, degrades the American people, affronts the American Constitution, demeans the spirit of 1776.

Asked if she would bow before any of these feudal potentates, Sarah Palin, the former governor of Alaska responded: "No, sir." That is the American way. It is in the spirit of the constitution which forbids any American official to accept a title or honour from any potentate. Bowing before any of these feudal lords is even worse. It is an encouragement of feudal latitude. Mr. Obama should know that extending courtesy to a feudal lord does not inhere in the nullification of one's tradition. Excessive accommodation of other people's custom to the detriment of one's own is not a sign of civility but a testimony of weakness.

Indeed, there is an untoward solicitousness about Mr. Obama. He is desperately grasping for acceptability, believing falsely that America must be remoulded in the warped image of the leftist in Europe and in the confused agenda of the Nobel clique who would give a bogus award in the perverted anticipation of presidential attainments! Surely, being president is not about being detained by ancestral chains or being halted by constant droning of one's beginning. Those are not the measures that gave Obama victory over John McCain. Being president is about standing beyond the fray of colour, eclipsing everything in an American identity, confronting the challenges of the hour in the fullness of the American ideal.

Yes, being president is about standing tall, wielding the big stick, aligning with the dispossessed, giving voice to the unheard, colliding with tyranny from Sudan to Venezuela. In a world rivened by brigands and murderous zealots, distorted by chaotic state actors and strutting charlatans, tormented by virulent psychopaths who would blow up the world as well as themselves; all protesting the righteous purity of their visions - there is a need for an arbitrating moral arbiter. There is a need for the moderating majesty of a great power who stands above the fray with firm authoritative bearing, who intervenes on behalf of everyone with the full vigour of a democratic behemon, ultimately restrained by the redeeming values of its own tradition. The behemon is America. But no more!

Last week The Spectator of London put on its cover a ghoulish empty suit leaning across the table of the Oval Office like a cringing haunting spectre with voided substantiation. It is captioned in damning assertiveness: "The worst kind of ally." Alas, this is what the thoughtful democratic league now believes of the presiding power in America.

Sanusi and the banks: 100 days after

THE most significant development in the Nigerian financial landscape in the last 100 days was neither the expected action of the CBN on August 14, 2009 nor the far-reaching nature/severity of the pronouncements - as the market was expectant and agreed on the need for a change. The management of information and the consistent/sustained 'negative' news cycle have proven to be the most crucial factor in the market downturn. The last 100 days is replete with such gloom and doom that it is a 'miracle' the ASI has stayed above the 21,000 basis points.

But can all the problems be placed on the doorsteps of Regulators? Hector Sants, Chief Executive, FSA while delivering his speech to participants at the 2009 Securities & Investment Institute Conference, on May 7, 2009 said "From evidence available, it has become demonstrably clear that firstly, albeit with the benefit of hindsight, there are some management decisions that have revealed a degree of incompetence, and at times a rather cavalier approach regarding risk management; secondly shareholders and regulators must be careful not to place excessive reliance on senior management judgements; thirdly, the necessary challenge was missing from governance structures, in particular boards, and finally there may well be questions that can reasonably be asked about the openness and thus, arguably, the integrity of firms dealings with regulators, shareholders and their customers."

He could have been talking about the Nigerian operating environment here. This goes to show that what we are experiencing is a global phenomenon and we should quickly move away from the distracting focus on 'criminalising individuals' and embracing the task of market and nation building. Now that we understand that we have a shared problem, can we change the engagement rules? The CBN must rethink its engagement approach if the ultimate goal is to establish a game changer? To have a market, we must have participants. In our desire to get the banks to become virtuous and disengage from being 'facilitators of criminal enterprises' as they have been branded, we have all been made to pay for the changes needed.

Robert Preston, City Editor BBC while commenting on the cost of changes to get banks to become 'virtuous' without admitting the intrinsic cost of the democratic deficit that is being charged stated that "even if the banks are given long enough to reinvent themselves as more cautious, well capitalised, better balanced institutions, it would be very foolish to believe there won't be costs - and most of those costs will probably fall on us, their customers, rather than on the banks themselves and their shareholders".

He added, "If all banks were to increase their holdings of liquid assets, shrink their reliance on fee based income and lend less relative to their capital resources in one fell swoop, well there would be a collapse in lending to the real economy and we'd be in a fair old depression in no time at all - and the banks themselves would soon find themselves bust". Thus, it is obvious that the price we are being called upon to pay must not be indeterminate; for there is a fallacy of composition arising from all banks discovering virtue and prudence at the same time.

While some continue to push the argument that taking such steps will ultimately benefit the economy over the longer term and in the interest of the banks individually and collectively to strengthen their finances; not a few have now recognised that to do so in such a wholesale manner (leading to the freeze in the supply of credit) will do significant harm to the Nigerian economy. Quite frankly, we must find a middle road to balance the arguments for holding 'quality/safe liquid assets' (those low yield - less income assets considered less attractive to a banking industry long on greed and short on reality) on the one hand and riskier loans and engagements in the capital market on the other.

But can one truly blame the banks? Evidence indicates that they have had to provide services and amenities which the state has failed in its responsibility to do and they continue to shoulder and account for the semblance of developments we have seen and experienced in the last decade. The simply got carried away playing 'God'; and at a great cost to us all. We must devote our energies to resolving this debacle; for should we fail to reward the original providers of capital (investors) with relative returns to capital via dividends for the second year in a row by 2010, there would be far worse unintended consequences than imagined.

This market confidence crisis runs deeper than expressed. The impact of the post August 14, 2009 declaration celebrated with a massive media coverage is beginning to look like a circus show parade - the excitement only falters to deceive. Our banks now know, and the CBN should get it; that trust has been a key casualty in this unending story - that is why the newly appointed CEO's are sending back reports to the CBN with tales of unanticipated challenges.

The staff and customers see them more as impostors or usurpers depending on how deep the consequence of the actions taken and those to follow impact their lives. Their customers have been publicly disgraced and humiliated and the basis of trust turned to a negotiated issue depending on which side of the divide the EFCC chooses to swing. Morale is down and the affair between the banker and customer is facing a rocky season. With talks of new bond issues, there is the ever present fear that in forcing the banks to hold more capital, they will make the price we are paying go higher - in the form of higher interest charges and lower deposit rates.

The CBN must find a way out of the on-going intellectual hole it has connived to create, and we believe it is seriously looking at options open to it; starting with the decision to avoid a wholesale sanction on the whole banking system and the slow down in its me-against-them rhetoric. We are all in this together. Now, Investors in the NCM must confront the inevitable - recognise the cost they will and are paying for engaging in the only legitimate market for building wealth in the country - the capital market.

Our assessment of the situation is that there is no cheering news on the horizon, at this date, to encourage a different course of action. Quite frankly, it is pure fantasy to believe otherwise. Yet, the story does not have a sad ending. History has shown us that we cannot leave our cash-cows - the banks to self regulate. If we are going to achieve a turn around of the losses made in the market - we have to transmute from by-standers to active participants in the paradigm shift taking place. Each generation faces its own major crisis. This is ours, and we must rise up to the challenge.

Events in the capital market with a constant news stream of huge losses by the banks play to investors' big fear - the idea that banks have only recognised the losses they can afford to shoulder today, not the defaults that will arrive eventually. We can start here and receive assurances to that effect. We can do more than just sit down and moan. Finally, 2009 appears it could yet end as it began - with the markets staying south. We must thus set our sights and thoughts on 2010 and make the best of the opportunity to begin again, better informed and wiser. It is a heavy price to pay but one that we can intelligently use to rebuild.

Sanusi and the banks: 100 days after

THE most significant development in the Nigerian financial landscape in the last 100 days was neither the expected action of the CBN on August 14, 2009 nor the far-reaching nature/severity of the pronouncements - as the market was expectant and agreed on the need for a change. The management of information and the consistent/sustained 'negative' news cycle have proven to be the most crucial factor in the market downturn. The last 100 days is replete with such gloom and doom that it is a 'miracle' the ASI has stayed above the 21,000 basis points.

But can all the problems be placed on the doorsteps of Regulators? Hector Sants, Chief Executive, FSA while delivering his speech to participants at the 2009 Securities & Investment Institute Conference, on May 7, 2009 said "From evidence available, it has become demonstrably clear that firstly, albeit with the benefit of hindsight, there are some management decisions that have revealed a degree of incompetence, and at times a rather cavalier approach regarding risk management; secondly shareholders and regulators must be careful not to place excessive reliance on senior management judgements; thirdly, the necessary challenge was missing from governance structures, in particular boards, and finally there may well be questions that can reasonably be asked about the openness and thus, arguably, the integrity of firms dealings with regulators, shareholders and their customers."

He could have been talking about the Nigerian operating environment here. This goes to show that what we are experiencing is a global phenomenon and we should quickly move away from the distracting focus on 'criminalising individuals' and embracing the task of market and nation building. Now that we understand that we have a shared problem, can we change the engagement rules? The CBN must rethink its engagement approach if the ultimate goal is to establish a game changer? To have a market, we must have participants. In our desire to get the banks to become virtuous and disengage from being 'facilitators of criminal enterprises' as they have been branded, we have all been made to pay for the changes needed.

Robert Preston, City Editor BBC while commenting on the cost of changes to get banks to become 'virtuous' without admitting the intrinsic cost of the democratic deficit that is being charged stated that "even if the banks are given long enough to reinvent themselves as more cautious, well capitalised, better balanced institutions, it would be very foolish to believe there won't be costs - and most of those costs will probably fall on us, their customers, rather than on the banks themselves and their shareholders".

He added, "If all banks were to increase their holdings of liquid assets, shrink their reliance on fee based income and lend less relative to their capital resources in one fell swoop, well there would be a collapse in lending to the real economy and we'd be in a fair old depression in no time at all - and the banks themselves would soon find themselves bust". Thus, it is obvious that the price we are being called upon to pay must not be indeterminate; for there is a fallacy of composition arising from all banks discovering virtue and prudence at the same time.

While some continue to push the argument that taking such steps will ultimately benefit the economy over the longer term and in the interest of the banks individually and collectively to strengthen their finances; not a few have now recognised that to do so in such a wholesale manner (leading to the freeze in the supply of credit) will do significant harm to the Nigerian economy. Quite frankly, we must find a middle road to balance the arguments for holding 'quality/safe liquid assets' (those low yield - less income assets considered less attractive to a banking industry long on greed and short on reality) on the one hand and riskier loans and engagements in the capital market on the other.

But can one truly blame the banks? Evidence indicates that they have had to provide services and amenities which the state has failed in its responsibility to do and they continue to shoulder and account for the semblance of developments we have seen and experienced in the last decade. The simply got carried away playing 'God'; and at a great cost to us all. We must devote our energies to resolving this debacle; for should we fail to reward the original providers of capital (investors) with relative returns to capital via dividends for the second year in a row by 2010, there would be far worse unintended consequences than imagined.

This market confidence crisis runs deeper than expressed. The impact of the post August 14, 2009 declaration celebrated with a massive media coverage is beginning to look like a circus show parade - the excitement only falters to deceive. Our banks now know, and the CBN should get it; that trust has been a key casualty in this unending story - that is why the newly appointed CEO's are sending back reports to the CBN with tales of unanticipated challenges.

The staff and customers see them more as impostors or usurpers depending on how deep the consequence of the actions taken and those to follow impact their lives. Their customers have been publicly disgraced and humiliated and the basis of trust turned to a negotiated issue depending on which side of the divide the EFCC chooses to swing. Morale is down and the affair between the banker and customer is facing a rocky season. With talks of new bond issues, there is the ever present fear that in forcing the banks to hold more capital, they will make the price we are paying go higher - in the form of higher interest charges and lower deposit rates.

The CBN must find a way out of the on-going intellectual hole it has connived to create, and we believe it is seriously looking at options open to it; starting with the decision to avoid a wholesale sanction on the whole banking system and the slow down in its me-against-them rhetoric. We are all in this together. Now, Investors in the NCM must confront the inevitable - recognise the cost they will and are paying for engaging in the only legitimate market for building wealth in the country - the capital market.

Our assessment of the situation is that there is no cheering news on the horizon, at this date, to encourage a different course of action. Quite frankly, it is pure fantasy to believe otherwise. Yet, the story does not have a sad ending. History has shown us that we cannot leave our cash-cows - the banks to self regulate. If we are going to achieve a turn around of the losses made in the market - we have to transmute from by-standers to active participants in the paradigm shift taking place. Each generation faces its own major crisis. This is ours, and we must rise up to the challenge.

Events in the capital market with a constant news stream of huge losses by the banks play to investors' big fear - the idea that banks have only recognised the losses they can afford to shoulder today, not the defaults that will arrive eventually. We can start here and receive assurances to that effect. We can do more than just sit down and moan. Finally, 2009 appears it could yet end as it began - with the markets staying south. We must thus set our sights and thoughts on 2010 and make the best of the opportunity to begin again, better informed and wiser. It is a heavy price to pay but one that we can intelligently use to rebuild.

Sanusi and the banks: 100 days after

THE most significant development in the Nigerian financial landscape in the last 100 days was neither the expected action of the CBN on August 14, 2009 nor the far-reaching nature/severity of the pronouncements - as the market was expectant and agreed on the need for a change. The management of information and the consistent/sustained 'negative' news cycle have proven to be the most crucial factor in the market downturn. The last 100 days is replete with such gloom and doom that it is a 'miracle' the ASI has stayed above the 21,000 basis points.

But can all the problems be placed on the doorsteps of Regulators? Hector Sants, Chief Executive, FSA while delivering his speech to participants at the 2009 Securities & Investment Institute Conference, on May 7, 2009 said "From evidence available, it has become demonstrably clear that firstly, albeit with the benefit of hindsight, there are some management decisions that have revealed a degree of incompetence, and at times a rather cavalier approach regarding risk management; secondly shareholders and regulators must be careful not to place excessive reliance on senior management judgements; thirdly, the necessary challenge was missing from governance structures, in particular boards, and finally there may well be questions that can reasonably be asked about the openness and thus, arguably, the integrity of firms dealings with regulators, shareholders and their customers."

He could have been talking about the Nigerian operating environment here. This goes to show that what we are experiencing is a global phenomenon and we should quickly move away from the distracting focus on 'criminalising individuals' and embracing the task of market and nation building. Now that we understand that we have a shared problem, can we change the engagement rules? The CBN must rethink its engagement approach if the ultimate goal is to establish a game changer? To have a market, we must have participants. In our desire to get the banks to become virtuous and disengage from being 'facilitators of criminal enterprises' as they have been branded, we have all been made to pay for the changes needed.

Robert Preston, City Editor BBC while commenting on the cost of changes to get banks to become 'virtuous' without admitting the intrinsic cost of the democratic deficit that is being charged stated that "even if the banks are given long enough to reinvent themselves as more cautious, well capitalised, better balanced institutions, it would be very foolish to believe there won't be costs - and most of those costs will probably fall on us, their customers, rather than on the banks themselves and their shareholders".

He added, "If all banks were to increase their holdings of liquid assets, shrink their reliance on fee based income and lend less relative to their capital resources in one fell swoop, well there would be a collapse in lending to the real economy and we'd be in a fair old depression in no time at all - and the banks themselves would soon find themselves bust". Thus, it is obvious that the price we are being called upon to pay must not be indeterminate; for there is a fallacy of composition arising from all banks discovering virtue and prudence at the same time.

While some continue to push the argument that taking such steps will ultimately benefit the economy over the longer term and in the interest of the banks individually and collectively to strengthen their finances; not a few have now recognised that to do so in such a wholesale manner (leading to the freeze in the supply of credit) will do significant harm to the Nigerian economy. Quite frankly, we must find a middle road to balance the arguments for holding 'quality/safe liquid assets' (those low yield - less income assets considered less attractive to a banking industry long on greed and short on reality) on the one hand and riskier loans and engagements in the capital market on the other.

But can one truly blame the banks? Evidence indicates that they have had to provide services and amenities which the state has failed in its responsibility to do and they continue to shoulder and account for the semblance of developments we have seen and experienced in the last decade. The simply got carried away playing 'God'; and at a great cost to us all. We must devote our energies to resolving this debacle; for should we fail to reward the original providers of capital (investors) with relative returns to capital via dividends for the second year in a row by 2010, there would be far worse unintended consequences than imagined.

This market confidence crisis runs deeper than expressed. The impact of the post August 14, 2009 declaration celebrated with a massive media coverage is beginning to look like a circus show parade - the excitement only falters to deceive. Our banks now know, and the CBN should get it; that trust has been a key casualty in this unending story - that is why the newly appointed CEO's are sending back reports to the CBN with tales of unanticipated challenges.

The staff and customers see them more as impostors or usurpers depending on how deep the consequence of the actions taken and those to follow impact their lives. Their customers have been publicly disgraced and humiliated and the basis of trust turned to a negotiated issue depending on which side of the divide the EFCC chooses to swing. Morale is down and the affair between the banker and customer is facing a rocky season. With talks of new bond issues, there is the ever present fear that in forcing the banks to hold more capital, they will make the price we are paying go higher - in the form of higher interest charges and lower deposit rates.

The CBN must find a way out of the on-going intellectual hole it has connived to create, and we believe it is seriously looking at options open to it; starting with the decision to avoid a wholesale sanction on the whole banking system and the slow down in its me-against-them rhetoric. We are all in this together. Now, Investors in the NCM must confront the inevitable - recognise the cost they will and are paying for engaging in the only legitimate market for building wealth in the country - the capital market.

Our assessment of the situation is that there is no cheering news on the horizon, at this date, to encourage a different course of action. Quite frankly, it is pure fantasy to believe otherwise. Yet, the story does not have a sad ending. History has shown us that we cannot leave our cash-cows - the banks to self regulate. If we are going to achieve a turn around of the losses made in the market - we have to transmute from by-standers to active participants in the paradigm shift taking place. Each generation faces its own major crisis. This is ours, and we must rise up to the challenge.

Events in the capital market with a constant news stream of huge losses by the banks play to investors' big fear - the idea that banks have only recognised the losses they can afford to shoulder today, not the defaults that will arrive eventually. We can start here and receive assurances to that effect. We can do more than just sit down and moan. Finally, 2009 appears it could yet end as it began - with the markets staying south. We must thus set our sights and thoughts on 2010 and make the best of the opportunity to begin again, better informed and wiser. It is a heavy price to pay but one that we can intelligently use to rebuild.

Telecoms’ Good News

Telecommunications investment in Nigeria since 2001 has hit an $18 billion mark. In 1999 total investment in the industry was a paltry $50 million. The growth by all standards, is good news for a country that is almost incapacitated by epileptic socio-economic infrastructure.
Chief Executive Officer of the National Communications Commiss-ion, Ernest Ndukwe, disclosed the figure at the just-concluded International Telecommunications Union (ITU) conference in Geneva, Switzerland. He attributed the investments flow to the deregulation policy of governments and a predictive regulatory environment.
The telecommunications industry in Nigeria also has the twin credit of being the most functional socio-economic infrastructure in the country and perhaps the most successful case of liberalisation in the country. The aviation industry, which has been badly affected by the global financial meltdown, was another successful case.
At the risk of sounding like a PR consultant for the industry, we are compelled to count some of the achievements of the industry to make a point.
The telecoms investment figure comprises about $12 billion in foreign direct investment and the balance made up of investments from within the country. Clearly, following the liberalization of the telecommunications industry by government in 1999, and the subsequent auction of the mobile licenses in year 2001, the telecommunications industry in Nigeria has witnessed tremendous growth.
From teledensity figures of 0.4 lines per 100 inhabitants recorded in year 2000, by October 2008, Nigeria had recorded teledensity figures of 42 lines per 100 inhabitants, and an active subscriber base of nearly 59 million lines. All the states in Nigeria are covered by both voice and data services through the GSM and the CDMA technologies.
Indeed, experts say Nigeria's telecommunications sector is the fastest and largest growing in Africa, with a total of 68 million telephone lines, from just some few hundreds of thousands eight years ago.
The advantages of this growth trend are too many to be listed here, but they include increased range and quality of services available to citizens; the creation of direct and indirect employment opportunities for skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled citizens; additional revenue for government through spectrum and numbering fees, import duties, VAT, etc,; improved service penetration to a larger and growing number in under-served and un-served urban, semi-urban and rural areas; technological development in the country; and the lowering of costs of acquiring and using the services.
With these achievements of the industry it is hard to explain the inability or reluctance of government to replicate the model in other ailing sectors such as the railways and electricity.
The beauty of successes such as this is that they become models and a motivation to continue to do the right things to grow the economy. They become models to be replicated in other sectors.
We are not unaware of the case for government's monopoly over the so-called national heritage but beyond facilitating government patronage and corruption, they have not served the country well.
We see another example in the telecoms industry. While local and foreign telecoms companies are blossoming, NITEL continues to be a sore thumb in the industry. And we believe that the reason is not unconnected with hidden interests that have made its transparent privatisation difficult.
NITEL's worth has depreciated considerably since Government broke its monopoly in 2001 and tried to sell it to an operator. Today, Nitel's infrastructure is in disrepair, and its fixed lines have fallen to less than 100,000, while MTEL subscribers have dropped to a few thousands. That is despite its status as a national carrier.
In spite of the weaknesses of private business models revealed in the global economic meltdown, we believe that government's role in business is the provision of an enabling environment and effective regulation. Nothing more. It is time for government to open other sectors of the economy to competition, as it did in 2001 the telecoms sector.
We believe that there are even more benefits to be derived from the telecoms industry as it grows. The challenge is for the regulators to address the weaknesses of the existing services in the industry such as the quality of GSM calls and internet services. Some of the services are appalling indeed. At this age of the industry, quality of service and affordability could be better, and should never be compromised

Nigeria and UN Security Council seat

On October 15, 2009, Nigeria was elected to a non-permanent seat in the Security Council of the United Nations with 186 votes. Four other countries, Gabon, Brazil, Bosnia and Lebanon were elected to similar positions. Unlike previous Security Council elections, there were no contested seats this year. As a result, the five countries nominated by regional groups won an easy election, following voting by the 192-member General Assembly. In the case of Nigeria, the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) supported her candidacy.

According to the rules of the United Nations, 15 member countries constitute the membership of the Security Council. Collectively, they are to ensure peace and security among nations. Of this number, five permanent members made up of the United States, Russia, China, Britain and France exercise veto power over substantive but not procedural resolutions. The remaining 10 are elected for two-year terms only with half retiring every year. Nigeria will assume its position on January 1, 2010.

Ever since the announcement there has been jubilation in official circles almost as if Nigeria has won an undeserved trophy. Foreign Minister, Ojo Maduekwe, has been beating his chest in triumph. Never short of slogans, he has coined a new phrase - Preventive Diplomacy - as his concept of Nigeria's new role at the United Nations. We join him as he rejoices. But Nigeria's triumph is not altogether unexpected. The charter relating to the election of non-permanent members into the Security Council provides that in the first instance, such members must have a track record of contributions to the maintenance of international peace and security for mankind.

Nigeria has eminently fulfilled this condition being second only to India in the contribution of troops in support of UN efforts in achieving global peace and security. Nigeria pioneered and sustains ECOWAS. Nigeria had served three tenures as non-permanent member on the Council between 1966/1967, 1978/1979 and 1994/1995. It currently chairs the UN Second Committee, which deals with economic and financial matters, and the UN Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations. In more ways than one, therefore, Nigeria fully qualifies to be a member of the Security Council. But the position comes with a lot of responsibility for which Nigeria must be prepared.

Former Foreign Affairs Minister and current United Nations Under-Secretary General Prof. Ibrahim Gambari who should know what the position entails says Security Council membership requires 24-hour concentration; that meetings are called at short notice and that literally there is no time to 'stand and stare'. He says the challenge now is for Nigeria to have an effective representation of Africa's interests as well as promoting Nigeria's own national interests. We agree entirely with him. Our presence at the Security Council at this time should lay a foundation for the country's bid for permanent representation in a reformed and expanded United Nations. The office of Nigeria's Permanent Representative to the UN should be adequately supported with financial, administrative and personnel resources to enable it discharge the added responsibility.

It is noteworthy that on the eve of this victory, Amnesty International has called on Nigeria to strengthen its national human rights record and demonstrate the country's commitment to promoting and protecting human rights. What Amnesty International is saying, in other words, is that good foreign policy must be anchored on strong domestic policy. Nigeria cannot be presiding over the peace and security of the world when at home it is unable to hold free and fair elections or fight corruption or send our children to school.

The country cannot be at the pinnacle of the world with so much poverty among its people. Right now, Nigeria's economy is stagnating, its banks are in distress. There are bad roads everywhere and not enough employment opportunities for the people. Important industries are relocating away from the country. The cost of refined petroleum products is escalating but the government has refused to build new refineries. These and a whole lot more are things Nigeria should be addressing which its leaders choose to neglect. We shall earn the respect of the United Nations when we respect ourselves by keeping our house in order.

Bankers and the times

LONG before the Sanusi era, banking used to be one of the most sought-after professions in Nigeria. Some may argue that it probably still is. The reason for the former may not be far-fetched. The average graduate fresh from the compulsory one-year national youth service scheme dreams of landing a job in a bank. You cannot really blame them because no other sector gave young people such opportunities and rewarded them highly like the banks did. The banks have been at the forefront of reducing youth unemployment in Nigeria long before the telecommunications sector bullishly berthed on the scene. But still, not even the telecommunications sector, or the Oil and Gas sector could match the recruitment strength of the banks who were always in need of marketing staff, men and women who were quite ready to climb any mountain in their quest for deposit mobilisation.

The increased demand for fresh talent may also be as a result of the high job mobility in the sector, and the post-consolidation expansion strategy that many of the banks embarked on. Some of the banks claimed that they had to spread their branch network to access the under-banked population, but for many others, the glistening gigantic buildings they were erecting across major city centres may just be nothing else but vanity projects, erected to achieve the "My bank is bigger than yours" philosophy of many of the banks. In the end, this contributed to the financial recklessness that plagued the sector as many of such branches were actually loss making. Because bank branches are structured as cost and profit centres, the huge cost of running these branches meant that most branch managers always struggled to declare profits as every profit made is almost immediately swallowed by running costs.

The banks exploited the 'big bank' image in their marketing communications materials, just before the bubble burst, you could hardly see any bank ad that does not declare such a bank as the biggest bank in Nigeria, each claim backed by one or many of the awards that the bank had received from different awarding organisations locally and from abroad.

Now that Sanusi is wielding the big stick, how sad to see yesterday's banking big boys and girls looking towards the sky for some indication of what tomorrow holds. On a regular basis in the dailies, speculations are rife about looming mass sack in the banking halls. Some banks have already started the process of disengaging their surplus staff using different performance indices to determine who stays and who goes. Sadly, some of the great shinning stars of banking, the super marketing staff are also affected.

Why? Deposits have since dried up, depositors confidence very low and the huge deposits they were able to attract in the good old days have since disappeared through the back door into the uncertain risky terrain of insider 'carry go' loans and executive financial recklessness. What a reward, and what a way to pay bank staff back for their sacrifices in helping to build the affected banks through an aggressive regime of marketing and deposit mobilisation. Not even a golden handshake to say the least, but a short cold note to visit HR - a most dreaded memo in the sector currently.

Perhaps there are lessons to be learnt here by all. Back in the good old days, while the going was good, bankers cruised around town in brand new Prado SUVs, Toyota and Honda salon cars. Lady bankers dressed to attract deposits in designer wardrobes to die for, with matching accessories, oversized hand bags and shoes with hills that can injure. The men strutted around town dressed like GQ fashion models; they burnt cash in the best restaurants and night clubs with their wives and girlfriends in tow. Life was good. During this time, savings took a back seat, everybody was living for the moment, many were neck deep in all kinds of loans; margin, mortgage, auto, furniture, education, holidays etc. In retrospect, perhaps a moderate lifestyle may have helped cushion the impending job loss for some.

Are we all going to learn our lessons? Will banking go back to the conservative profession that it should be? Will bankers who survive the chop be able to take show out of the banking business? Only time will tell. And for the new kids on the block, the newly appointed MDs and EDs, this is hoping that they will not go down the widely travelled road. No more $10,000 suits, away with the long Mercedes G Wagon convoys, afterall, we are all now witnessing what happens to people that mess with other people's money. I am not forgetting the unrealistic targets that have driven many female bankers to corporate prostitution. Will all these change now?

There must be things we can learn from banks operating in Europe and America from where we imported the concept of banking. Unlike what obtains in our clime, banks are run as institutions and the banks go on to outlive the founders; people working in traditional high street banks have no business worrying about what the MD will do or say any day he or she has a bad day. They simply go to work, put in an honest hardworking shift and go back home to their families. Unlike the boiler pressure room situation obtainable in Nigerian banks, a situation that has created a lot of in-fighting, 'bad belleism' and favouritism which has pitched many a bank staff against another as they seek to impress the Ogas.

I wish I can find better advice for bankers who may be affected one way or the other in the current right sizing drive except to say that one should now learn to cut his or her coat according to one's clothes, as against one's size as my neighbour Ngozi, a female banker will say. There is no longer any such thing as job for life, not in banking or in any other sector, globalisation has changed all that. Especially in this global financial meltdown and Sanusi era where recent events have shown that it is no longer business as usual. Life will never be the same again; for the bankers, the bank owners and their customers.

The truth about China-Africa relations

I FEEL duty bound to pen this piece as a rejoinder to Olufemi Oyedele's letter titled 'Who is afraid of China?' (The Guardian, October 8, 2009). Oyedele lives in London and coincidentally, I was on a research tour of England at the time he wrote, gathering materials on an aspect of my research on China's diplomacy bordering on Western responses to China's ascendancy in global affairs. Oyedele's views, I must say, were typically Western. He cautioned Nigeria not to grant China's prayer for a $50 billion oil deal on grounds of the former's poor industrial record, penchant for underpayment, corruption, human rights abuses etc - a jumble of things that have little or no bearing on business transactions. Or, how does China's human rights record affect the pricing of oil blocks?

I don't know who Oyedele works for, but I got curious when he remarked thus concerning China National Offshore Oil Corporation's (CNOOC) bid for Nigerian oil blocks: 'They are proponents of 'cheap labour' and may not match the pay of other employers like Chevron, Texaco and Agip in the same sector'. He forgot to add Shell and Total to the list of super-paying Western oil companies!

While I will never say China cannot improve on its international economic relations, I will unhesitatingly declare that it presents a golden opportunity for developing nations of Africa to secure a fairer deal in global political economy, which never served their interests while Western hegemony held sway. There is so much propaganda being churned out in the Western world to scare Third world countries from doing business with China simply because they realise they are losing influence and grips on global affairs to China. The media and academia of the West are awash with news reports and books that are nothing short of propaganda materials. As a matter of fact, the frenzy with which Western universities are setting up centres and special programmes on China is phenomenal. Far-sighted people that they are, they want to understand how to cope with the great challenge China presents to their system and well-being. Some Nigerian academics make money by consulting for Western inquirers on diverse aspects of Chinese penetration of Africa.

To illustrate the Western media-academia anti-China propaganda, Adam Blenford opens a November 26, 2007, report, tongue-in-cheek, on the BBC website as follows: 'In almost every corner of Africa there is something that interests China'. TimesOnline in its October 13, 2009 issue laments: 'There is now barely a country on the continent (Africa) that does not have a sizeable Chinese presence'. If you talk of books, you will find Western titles like these: Mark Leonard's 'What does China think?', James Kynge's 'China Shakes the World: the Rise of a Hungry Nation', Frank Ching's 'China: The Truth About its Human Rights Record', Alexandria Harney's 'The China Price: The True Cost of Chinese Competitive Advantage'. The list is endless and more are at the press in a frenzy.

The grouses of the West against China are basically economic. The West is suffering a complex economic siege from China. They are the preachers of free trade but by the time China opened up to the global market from its socialist cocoon, signing WTO's agreements etc, it in no time began to beat them at their own game. The forms the siege is taking can be condensed into three. One, China is causing business closures in the West by offering high quality, cheaper consumer goods ranging from toys to garments to Western consumers. Two, unemployment is not helped by the growing recourse by Western businesses to relocate to China to take advantage of cheaper overheads. Many so-called Western products we buy in stores in London, Paris, New York, Amsterdam etc are now only Western in name, courtesy of the trend called outsourcing. Factories physically get uprooted and got shipped to China. China has earned the sobriquet: 'Factory of the World.' And, only in the second week of this October, America's General Motors sold its Hummer Jeep brand to a Chinese firm, Sichuan Tengzhong Heavy Equipment Corporation.

Three, China is also taking over the overseas markets over which the West used to enjoy a structural monopoly. These include African countries. But, unlike the West, that more or less enforced draconian reforms on Africa in the throes of economic crisis without any tangible support critical to recovery, China's in-roads in Africa come with support in the form of funds with no strings attached and investments in critical infrastructure. President Paul Kagame of Rwanda - a model African leader - spoke the truth in a recent October 12 Reuters report. To quote him, "Our resources have been exploited and served others. Western companies have soiled Africa to a large extent and still do...The Chinese bring Africa what it needs: investment and money for governments and companies. China invests in infrastructure, builds streets." When you view the $50 billion oil deal China is offering Nigeria, which Oyedele is kicking against, ask what the status quo is with the oil blocks the so-called Western oil majors want to keep. Which is more beneficial to Nigeria? CNOOC's offer or the oil majors'? The lawmakers in Abuja handling the new petroleum bill are living witnesses to the extent the 'oil majors' are going to frustrate its contents which are meant to stop their abuses and promote our interests.

To be sure, China is not a charity organisation. It is in the global market to improve the lot of its economy and its citizens. Much, then, as it offers Africa a better deal compared to the West, the onus is on African countries to develop strategies to relate with it beneficially. To achieve this, China deserves our study. Unfortunately, there is no funding for such locally, except researchers turn to Western agencies (Ford, MacArthur Foundations etc) for grants! In my case, I rely on my own resources. But how many can? What may pass for Nigeria's policy towards China, from what I have seen, is poor. For example, in a Joint Commission document undergoing implementation process, Nigeria is calling on China to diversify its interest in oil and include the prospecting of our 'abundant mineral resources'. This is quite stupid as that precisely aligns with China's interests. However, from my exploration of China, from Beijing to Shanghai, Anhui to Guangzhou, China has much better things to offer us if we only but ask and insist.

For example, instead of taking the billions of dollars China so easily offers from its over $2 trillion foreign reserves for infrastructure, we can insist on China developing our infrastructure on a Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) basis. Chinese giant infrastructure companies, in their hundreds if not thousands, need to be kept busy and the gargantuan foreign reserves have to be invested here and there to minimise the risk of a dollar slump, among others. I was at a negotiation in May 2007 involving Nigerian government officials and a Chinese power company for the building of a hydropower facility. The company's president, without any request from the Nigerian side, said his country was willing to bankroll the project, which ran into hundreds of millions of dollars. A permanent secretary promptly declined without consultation. 'Nigeria will fund it', he said. It sounds patriotic on the face of it, coming on the heels of our exit from debt peonage to the Creditors' Clubs, but it was my candid view that it would have been better to ask whether the company would be willing to execute the project on a BOT basis. Till this day, the project is on hold; and similar examples abound. With no funding, the company has gone back home. We can also create a platform for the private sector to engage in joint ventures with Chinese companies in critical sectors like power generation, agro-industry, road and rail construction etc. China is no doubt a true friend of Africa. We only need to leverage the Chinese on our own terms.

The 1959 Federal Election: aftermath and lessons

THIS article aims to conclude that "federal character" is both desirable and inevitable in the context of our nation. However, the article itself is an attempt to revisit the 1959 federal election as a platform to arriving at that conclusion. The historical 1959 federal election, 50 years ago, took Nigeria from colonial rule to independence in 1960. Its aftermath still provides useful lessons, even for the distant future.

One significant element in the 1959 election was the participation of key regional politicians, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, erstwhile premiers of the Eastern and Western regions respectively. What attracted them to the election was the prospect that either of them could become the "first prime minister" of independent Nigeria.

The other member of Nigeria's historical triumvirate, Sir Ahmadu Bello, preferred to continue in his position as premier of the Northern Region. His "able lieutenant", Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, led their political party at the federal level of governance. Tafawa Balewa became Prime Minister in 1957 and had the singular distinction of being the only one to have held that position in the history of Nigeria. The parliamentary system was terminated for good in January 1966 and was subsequently replaced with the presidential alternative.

In an era when political party support revolved mainly around ethnic or regional loyalties, the odds were heavily stacked against the aspirations of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The North had 50 per cent electoral representation at the expense of the Southern regions, the Eastern and the Western. Significantly, Azikiwe's National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC) and Awolowo's Action Group (AG) were bitter rivals in the South, both relying on alliances with minor northern political parties such as the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) respectively. The North was eminently controlled by the ethnocentric Northern People's Congress (NPC) whose leader was Sir Ahmadu Bello.

In Nigeria's peculiar situation, no political party was realistically placed to form the government, thereby compelling a coalition of convenience between political parties. Both the AG and NCNC contemplated forming the government with the support of their northern allies but this did not materialise in spite of Chief Awolowo's willingness to concede the primemistership to his older rival, Dr. Azikiwe. Sir Ahmadu Bello threatened to take the North out of the federation if the proposed arrangement between the NCNC and AG was effected. However, considering the bitter rivalry between the two political parties, it would have been one hell of a coalition government! In the end, a coalition of mutual convenience was consummated between the NPC and NCNC/NEPU alliance. The NEPU was the radical party opposed to the NPC's conservatism in the North.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo led the opposition which constituted mainly the AG and the UMBC, the latter agitated for a separate Middle-Best region out of the North. Customary intolerance for competition and competing ideas meant that opposition coming from Awolowo and the Action Group was considered to be the opposition of the Yoruba to the federal government. Consequently, any attempt to curtail the influence of the Action Group was directed against its ethnic stronghold. There was an attempt to redraw the Western regional boundary by merging a part of it with the north, and the creation of the Mid-Western Region in 1964, popular though it was, had punitive intentions. The more disturbing agitations for state creation in the North and East, principally by the peoples of the Middle Belt and Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers respectively, were gleefully ignored by the NPC/NCNC conspiracy.

By 1962 the ruling coalition government had succeeded in infiltrating the ranks of the otherwise disciplined Action Group. Of course the break up of the party can be explained by diverse reasons but the more relevant explanation has been the ideological one. There were elements within the party which urged the leadership to abandon its ideology of "democratic socialism" and team up with the ruling coalition in the interests of the Yoruba. The subsequent intra-party disagreements arising from this position sparked off a domino effect of conflicts that culminated in a bloody civil war between 1967 and 1970. The census crisis of 1962/63, the disputed federal election of 1964 and the rigged election in the Western Region in 1965, were the most outstanding conflicts that killed off Nigeria's First Republic in 1966.

Our experience of the acrimonious politics briefly reviewed above makes one wonder why some are still nostalgic about the parliamentary system of government. The great Sir Arthur Lewis in his book, Politics in West Africa, concluded that the adversarial politics of "government" and "opposition" was unsuitable for a divided nation like Nigeria. The great Nigerian scholar, Professor Ladipo Adamolekun expressed support for the "Lewisian" consociational viewpoint in one of his books and, of course, this writer shares their view of a "grand coalition" as the better option.

The presidential system with divisions of power between the three arms of government (executive, legislative and judicial) appears to be more inclusive than the parliamentary alternative. Recent governments, just like their predecessors, may have under-performed but the relationship between members of the political classes would appear to have been more courteous and tamed than it once was. The politicians of today rarely come into the open to insult other ethnic groupings and that, in this writer's view, is a positive development.

The fact remains that nations differ in their complexities. The United States of America, for instance, may be as heterogeneous as Nigeria but the truth of the matter is that the former's ethnicity is "dispersed" while that of the latter is "compartmentalised". The idea of a rotational presidency makes great sense in Nigeria and federal character in political appointments can only be rubbished by those with little understanding of the scale and nature of rivalry between peoples of different backgrounds. "Rotational thieving", a writer of opinion once screamed. The fact that Nigerian politicians excel in stealing public money would not mean that ideas that help unity can no longer be discussed. The Swiss presidency rotates annually, yet Switzerland is not ranked among the most corrupt nations of the world! There may indeed be some whose understanding of "rotational presidency" exists only at the cynical level!

Rotational presidency, federal character or ethnic balancing, help unity in Nigeria. What constitutes our differences, ethnicity in particular, will not disappear no matter how hard we wish it away. R V Denenberg's book Understanding American Politics (1984) is quite a useful contribution which one warmly recommends to readers. Here is one revealing extract from the book and it concludes this essay - "... In this 'melting pot' the peoples of the world were to be 'Americanised', amalgamated into a new national alloy.

But out of the crucible came an unexpected product. 'As the groups were transformed by influence in American society, stripped of their original attributes, they were created as something new, but still as identifiable groups'. Politically these Irish Americans, Italian Americans and Polish Americans behave as interest groups, measuring their power and well-being against that of others. In the large cities where the 'ethnics' are concentrated, a political party usually finds it prudent to recognise this heterogeneity by running a 'balanced ticket'; an Italian for mayor, a Pole for the City Council President and Irishman for Comptroller".

The 1959 Federal Election: aftermath and lessons

THIS article aims to conclude that "federal character" is both desirable and inevitable in the context of our nation. However, the article itself is an attempt to revisit the 1959 federal election as a platform to arriving at that conclusion. The historical 1959 federal election, 50 years ago, took Nigeria from colonial rule to independence in 1960. Its aftermath still provides useful lessons, even for the distant future.

One significant element in the 1959 election was the participation of key regional politicians, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, erstwhile premiers of the Eastern and Western regions respectively. What attracted them to the election was the prospect that either of them could become the "first prime minister" of independent Nigeria.

The other member of Nigeria's historical triumvirate, Sir Ahmadu Bello, preferred to continue in his position as premier of the Northern Region. His "able lieutenant", Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, led their political party at the federal level of governance. Tafawa Balewa became Prime Minister in 1957 and had the singular distinction of being the only one to have held that position in the history of Nigeria. The parliamentary system was terminated for good in January 1966 and was subsequently replaced with the presidential alternative.

In an era when political party support revolved mainly around ethnic or regional loyalties, the odds were heavily stacked against the aspirations of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The North had 50 per cent electoral representation at the expense of the Southern regions, the Eastern and the Western. Significantly, Azikiwe's National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC) and Awolowo's Action Group (AG) were bitter rivals in the South, both relying on alliances with minor northern political parties such as the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) respectively. The North was eminently controlled by the ethnocentric Northern People's Congress (NPC) whose leader was Sir Ahmadu Bello.

In Nigeria's peculiar situation, no political party was realistically placed to form the government, thereby compelling a coalition of convenience between political parties. Both the AG and NCNC contemplated forming the government with the support of their northern allies but this did not materialise in spite of Chief Awolowo's willingness to concede the primemistership to his older rival, Dr. Azikiwe. Sir Ahmadu Bello threatened to take the North out of the federation if the proposed arrangement between the NCNC and AG was effected. However, considering the bitter rivalry between the two political parties, it would have been one hell of a coalition government! In the end, a coalition of mutual convenience was consummated between the NPC and NCNC/NEPU alliance. The NEPU was the radical party opposed to the NPC's conservatism in the North.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo led the opposition which constituted mainly the AG and the UMBC, the latter agitated for a separate Middle-Best region out of the North. Customary intolerance for competition and competing ideas meant that opposition coming from Awolowo and the Action Group was considered to be the opposition of the Yoruba to the federal government. Consequently, any attempt to curtail the influence of the Action Group was directed against its ethnic stronghold. There was an attempt to redraw the Western regional boundary by merging a part of it with the north, and the creation of the Mid-Western Region in 1964, popular though it was, had punitive intentions. The more disturbing agitations for state creation in the North and East, principally by the peoples of the Middle Belt and Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers respectively, were gleefully ignored by the NPC/NCNC conspiracy.

By 1962 the ruling coalition government had succeeded in infiltrating the ranks of the otherwise disciplined Action Group. Of course the break up of the party can be explained by diverse reasons but the more relevant explanation has been the ideological one. There were elements within the party which urged the leadership to abandon its ideology of "democratic socialism" and team up with the ruling coalition in the interests of the Yoruba. The subsequent intra-party disagreements arising from this position sparked off a domino effect of conflicts that culminated in a bloody civil war between 1967 and 1970. The census crisis of 1962/63, the disputed federal election of 1964 and the rigged election in the Western Region in 1965, were the most outstanding conflicts that killed off Nigeria's First Republic in 1966.

Our experience of the acrimonious politics briefly reviewed above makes one wonder why some are still nostalgic about the parliamentary system of government. The great Sir Arthur Lewis in his book, Politics in West Africa, concluded that the adversarial politics of "government" and "opposition" was unsuitable for a divided nation like Nigeria. The great Nigerian scholar, Professor Ladipo Adamolekun expressed support for the "Lewisian" consociational viewpoint in one of his books and, of course, this writer shares their view of a "grand coalition" as the better option.

The presidential system with divisions of power between the three arms of government (executive, legislative and judicial) appears to be more inclusive than the parliamentary alternative. Recent governments, just like their predecessors, may have under-performed but the relationship between members of the political classes would appear to have been more courteous and tamed than it once was. The politicians of today rarely come into the open to insult other ethnic groupings and that, in this writer's view, is a positive development.

The fact remains that nations differ in their complexities. The United States of America, for instance, may be as heterogeneous as Nigeria but the truth of the matter is that the former's ethnicity is "dispersed" while that of the latter is "compartmentalised". The idea of a rotational presidency makes great sense in Nigeria and federal character in political appointments can only be rubbished by those with little understanding of the scale and nature of rivalry between peoples of different backgrounds. "Rotational thieving", a writer of opinion once screamed. The fact that Nigerian politicians excel in stealing public money would not mean that ideas that help unity can no longer be discussed. The Swiss presidency rotates annually, yet Switzerland is not ranked among the most corrupt nations of the world! There may indeed be some whose understanding of "rotational presidency" exists only at the cynical level!

Rotational presidency, federal character or ethnic balancing, help unity in Nigeria. What constitutes our differences, ethnicity in particular, will not disappear no matter how hard we wish it away. R V Denenberg's book Understanding American Politics (1984) is quite a useful contribution which one warmly recommends to readers. Here is one revealing extract from the book and it concludes this essay - "... In this 'melting pot' the peoples of the world were to be 'Americanised', amalgamated into a new national alloy.

But out of the crucible came an unexpected product. 'As the groups were transformed by influence in American society, stripped of their original attributes, they were created as something new, but still as identifiable groups'. Politically these Irish Americans, Italian Americans and Polish Americans behave as interest groups, measuring their power and well-being against that of others. In the large cities where the 'ethnics' are concentrated, a political party usually finds it prudent to recognise this heterogeneity by running a 'balanced ticket'; an Italian for mayor, a Pole for the City Council President and Irishman for Comptroller".

Immunity for Legislators?

The move by the House of Representatives to amend the legislators’ Powers and Privileges Act is apparently a pursuit of self-interest taken to a ridiculous level. This will, no doubt, further dent the public image of the lawmakers – unless the bill is thrown out soon.
The very argument of its sponsor, Honourable Henry Dickson, Chairman of the House Committee on Justice, has veritably weakened the proposition. According to him, the “sensitive” nature of legislative duties renders legislators vulnerable, hence the need to protect them from “indiscriminate” arrests that might be masterminded by their political foes, especially as the 2011 general election approaches. He also thinks that members of legislative houses should be protected against “frivolous” charges to enhance their performance.
It is remarkable, however, that this attempt at securing immunity for the legislators has received opposition even from the lower chamber itself. Honourable Ita Enang reacted pointedly: “The bill seeks to create a class of people above the law but we should know that we are bound by the Constitution and any law that is against the Constitution is null and void.”
That admonition is timely. In the first place, in granting immunity to the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, the framers of the Constitution took into consideration the consequences of some litigants holding those officers, who are the heads of their respective governments, to ransom. But because of the abuses that have so far been recorded in the polity by some of the beneficiaries, even the rare privilege is being contested at the court of public opinion. The clamour to jettison this political right is not restricted to Nigeria. Not long ago, the constitutional court in Italy removed it from Prime Minister Silvio Belusconi who is enmeshed in scandals. The message is clear: Since all men are equal, they should be treated equally before the law, no matter the position they occupy in life.
Our legislators should, therefore, move with the times rather than take retrogressive steps. Perhaps they should be reminded that there are many other jobs in the country that are even more prone to dangers – only that their practitioners are not in the position to make self-preserving, discriminatory laws. Already, the National Assembly (NASS) and many state assemblies have, through exerting disproportionate energies on matters relating to their own welfare, inflicted themselves with a poor public perception – of underachievement. But they need not continue along this ignoble path. Instead, as they enter into the second half of their tenure, they should seek to justify their respective mandates by passing people-oriented laws rather than engaging in misplaced acts of self-preservation.
Nigerian legislators seem to be driven by self interest and preservation. This is hardly a good public perception of elected representatives who are supposed to work for the general interest of those they claim to represent in government.
Our legislators should concentrate on their core responsibilities of law making and oversight functions. Bills like Freedom of Information (FoI), electoral reform, and the Petroleum Industry Bill are begging for urgent attention. These instruments are vital to the deepening of our hard-won but fragile democracy. As for holding the executive arm of government accountable for approved programmes and projects, proofs of failure are not in short supply throughout the federation. With a largely comatose infrastructure and grossly inadequate social security, the citizenry is becoming disillusioned. This ought to bother the honourable legislators.
True greatness, after all, lies in genuine service to others, in this case, those the lawmakers claim to represent, and not in obvious self-defensive plots.

Immunity for Legislators?

The move by the House of Representatives to amend the legislators’ Powers and Privileges Act is apparently a pursuit of self-interest taken to a ridiculous level. This will, no doubt, further dent the public image of the lawmakers – unless the bill is thrown out soon.
The very argument of its sponsor, Honourable Henry Dickson, Chairman of the House Committee on Justice, has veritably weakened the proposition. According to him, the “sensitive” nature of legislative duties renders legislators vulnerable, hence the need to protect them from “indiscriminate” arrests that might be masterminded by their political foes, especially as the 2011 general election approaches. He also thinks that members of legislative houses should be protected against “frivolous” charges to enhance their performance.
It is remarkable, however, that this attempt at securing immunity for the legislators has received opposition even from the lower chamber itself. Honourable Ita Enang reacted pointedly: “The bill seeks to create a class of people above the law but we should know that we are bound by the Constitution and any law that is against the Constitution is null and void.”
That admonition is timely. In the first place, in granting immunity to the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, the framers of the Constitution took into consideration the consequences of some litigants holding those officers, who are the heads of their respective governments, to ransom. But because of the abuses that have so far been recorded in the polity by some of the beneficiaries, even the rare privilege is being contested at the court of public opinion. The clamour to jettison this political right is not restricted to Nigeria. Not long ago, the constitutional court in Italy removed it from Prime Minister Silvio Belusconi who is enmeshed in scandals. The message is clear: Since all men are equal, they should be treated equally before the law, no matter the position they occupy in life.
Our legislators should, therefore, move with the times rather than take retrogressive steps. Perhaps they should be reminded that there are many other jobs in the country that are even more prone to dangers – only that their practitioners are not in the position to make self-preserving, discriminatory laws. Already, the National Assembly (NASS) and many state assemblies have, through exerting disproportionate energies on matters relating to their own welfare, inflicted themselves with a poor public perception – of underachievement. But they need not continue along this ignoble path. Instead, as they enter into the second half of their tenure, they should seek to justify their respective mandates by passing people-oriented laws rather than engaging in misplaced acts of self-preservation.
Nigerian legislators seem to be driven by self interest and preservation. This is hardly a good public perception of elected representatives who are supposed to work for the general interest of those they claim to represent in government.
Our legislators should concentrate on their core responsibilities of law making and oversight functions. Bills like Freedom of Information (FoI), electoral reform, and the Petroleum Industry Bill are begging for urgent attention. These instruments are vital to the deepening of our hard-won but fragile democracy. As for holding the executive arm of government accountable for approved programmes and projects, proofs of failure are not in short supply throughout the federation. With a largely comatose infrastructure and grossly inadequate social security, the citizenry is becoming disillusioned. This ought to bother the honourable legislators.
True greatness, after all, lies in genuine service to others, in this case, those the lawmakers claim to represent, and not in obvious self-defensive plots.

MEND, 'Jomo Gbomo' and amnesty

IN the ongoing struggle for the 'liberation' of the Niger Delta region, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) has two vocal representatives who have over the years been at the vanguard of the campaign. I refer in particular to "Jomo Gbomo" and "Cynthia Whyte", two names that have dominated press reports on the Niger Delta conflict. Although they are regularly quoted by journalists, doubts remain whether "Jomo Gbomo" and "Cynthia Whyte" actually exist or whether the names are pseudonyms devised by the hierarchy of MEND to match the government's public information crusade.

In his press releases, often quoted mostly verbatim by lousy journalists, "Jomo Gbomo" cuts the image of an uncompromising, incorrigible, indestructible and invisible face of MEND. His language is tough, brusque, provocative and hard-nosed. He portrays MEND as an underground movement driven by the philosophy of "no defeat, no surrender".

In a letter published in The Guardian of Monday, 19 October 2009, and entitled "Jomo Gbomo and the programme amnesty," Ayo Olorunfemi expressed worry that "... after going through the list of the repentant warlords, one name was conspicuously missing and that is the name of the mouth-piece of the struggle, Jomo Gbomo. What is the significance of the amnesty without him? What would become of the hope for eternal peace in the region without him? Why pondering over those questions, I stumbled on an interview granted by Boyloaf, an ex-militant and he emphatically said Jomo Gbomo is a ghost, fictitious, imaginative and non-existent."

Whether "Jomo Gbomo" and "Cynthia Whyte" exist or whether they are mere phantoms in the arsenal of MEND's radical campaign, credit must be given to "Jomo Gbomo" for his or her unwavering commitment to MEND's motto, for his or her passionate determination to transform the Niger Delta region, and for his or her untiring efficiency in churning out retaliatory rhetoric about how MEND plans to assail and humiliate federal forces patrolling the streets and swamps of the Niger Delta.

In terms of effectiveness in propaganda, "Jomo Gbomo" ranks next to the legendary Iraqi Information Minister - Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf - who, during the last days of the Saddam Hussein regime in April 2003, kept telling western television audiences that there were no coalition forces inside Iraq and that those who managed to get into Iraq were already "committing suicide", even as U.S. forces encircled Baghdad and other major Iraqi cities.

The difference between Al-Sahhaf and "Jomo Gbomo" is that while Al-Sahhaf appeared regularly and physically on television and whereas he conducted open press conferences, "Jomo Gbomo" (if the person actually exists) chose to remain faceless and to utilise the Internet and e-mail technologies to draw the world's attention to the problems and injustices that confront the Niger Delta people.

New technologies such as e-mail and the Internet now serve as a forum through which marginalised groups and minorities such as the Niger Delta activists tell their stories and communicate their problems to the rest of the world. There are possibly two reasons why "Jomo Gbomo" uses the Internet and e-mail to communicate with journalists who cover the Niger Delta conflict. One: The technologies are highly valuable means of communication - they are convenient and they can be used from any location without compromising the identity of the user. The second reason has to do with self-preservation or personal security.

If Niger Delta activists must maintain their invincibility, it is imperative that they must rely on the technologies that guarantee them anonymity and safety. These guarantees are embedded in Internet and e-mail technologies, which explain why "Jomo Gbomo" uses the technologies for regular press releases. It is in these contexts that Internet and e-mail technologies serve as tools for the economic, social and political emancipation of marginalised groups (such as the Niger Delta people) in their struggle for self-determination.

As MEND celebrates the amnesty deal, and as President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua engages in endless photo opportunities with Niger Delta activists who have enthusiastically snapped up the government's official pardon, only a few people seem to be asking questions about where "Jomo Gbomo" and "Cynthia Whyte" stand on the amnesty issue. Have they accepted the amnesty offer? If they have accepted the deal, do they plan to travel to Abuja to take photos with Yar'Adua?

These questions are relevant because "Jomo Gbomo", as the official amplifier of MEND's voice, cannot sound conciliatory in one press release and issue threats in another press statement. The inconsistencies are not a good sign that MEND has genuinely accepted the amnesty. The key question is: Has "Jomo Gbomo" (if it is not a pseudonym) accepted the amnesty as Henry Okah and other leaders of MEND have done?

Yar'Adua and his men must be worried that nothing has been heard about the official position of "Jomo Gbomo" and "Cynthia Whyte". However, one good feature of the amnesty is that it has effectively unmasked the identities of some of the principal leaders of the disparate groups that operate in the creeks and waterways of the Niger Delta. Prior to the amnesty deal, the public had no way of knowing what the activists looked like. The public is now able to match the names they see in news reports against the faces of the men who signed up for the amnesty. The names include Henry Okah, the leader of MEND, Ebikalowei Victor Ben (also known as "Boyloaf"), Government Ekpemupolo (otherwise known as "Tompolo"), Ateke Tom, leader of the Niger Delta Strike Force, Farrah Dagogo (who calls himself the "overall field commander of MEND"), Burster Rhymes, etc.

In a speech to mark his formal acceptance of the amnesty nearly two weeks ago, Tompolo told journalists: "I and my people accept the offer of amnesty." He also pledged "to work with Mr. President to achieve the dreams of this country". In his response, Yar'Adua said: "I thank Tompolo and all members of his immediate team for accepting this unconditional offer of amnesty. Tonight belongs to you Tompolo. By signing this amnesty, you have demonstrated that the interest of the Niger Delta is better served through peace."

Yar'Adua and his senior security officials must be smiling that they have successfully pulled off the amnesty deal by offering incentives which the leaders of the various groups could hardly resist. Although it is too early to judge the success of the amnesty, at the moment it should be seen as a brilliant idea, a masterstroke on how to apply domestic diplomatic pressure to end a potentially destabilising conflict. But, I must emphasise, it is still too early to judge Yar'Adua's amnesty offer.

In a press statement released soon after Yar'Adua met with MEND leader Henry Okah, "Jomo Gbomo" said that MEND would turn its attention to corrupt governors once this phase of the campaign was concluded. This is indeed the right way to go. Part of the reason why the Niger Delta has been neglected for many years must be traced to high levels of corruption among political leaders in the region. Questions must be asked about what previous governors did with the federal funds they received for the development of their states.

While the argument must be made that previous federal administrations never considered the Niger Delta as a region that deserved special attention, the state governments must also be asked to account for whatever amount they received from the federal government. If the federal government neglected the Niger Delta region, so too did the governors of the states who received some money but failed to use the money to make a difference in the lives of the people in the region.

It would be a good idea for MEND and other organisations to hold the state governments to account. There is no point turning the streets into a shootout zone through mindless kidnapping of ordinary citizens who have absolutely nothing to do with the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta. Going after corrupt governors and former governors, including corrupt senior public officials would signal a significant shift in the way MEND agitates for fairness and justice in the region.

It is important for MEND to demonstrate that it understands the difference between responsible agitation for the development of the Niger Delta and careless activism that punishes everyone. If MEND wants to earn public respect and recognition, it must not punish those for whom it is fighting.

The proposed deregulation of petrol price

FOR the better part of 20 years, the economics of the petroleum pump price has held Nigerians in a riveting contest. Military governments and elected governments have struggled to rationalise the socio-economics of petroleum pump price for the Nigerian people. On at least eight occasions in the past decade, the dynamics of the increased pump price has been the touch-stone for popular nationwide strike action by Nigeria's organised Labour unions contending with Federal Government on behalf of the masses.

Government has now decided to fully deregulate the price of petrol, (PMK), having already allowed the price of diesel and kerosene to find its open market price. According to the spokespersons, this would be the culmination of the deregulation of the downstream oil sector. The kernel of the issue remains fairly unchanged, namely that Government in its benevolence has subsidised the pump price for petroleum products and is no longer in a position to do so. In 2008, this country spent N650 billion on petroleum products subsidy. It would therefore allow the effective market-determined price to flow through to consumers and the expectant rational behaviour of the Nigerian consumer to come to play in the orthodox matrix of market demand and supply.

Deregulation as a doctrine is well acknowledged in a number of instances in our country today and Nigerians are at home with the vagaries created by deregulating a number of basic living sectors - epileptic electricity supplies, incontinent water supply, the progress of telecommunication, monetisation of public sector emoluments etc. In other words, the shedding of a benevolence toga by the Governments of Nigeria is up and running.

However, we assert that to let the pump price of PMK float independent of Government's influence or more certainly, public finance subsidies, is a most intractable option. First, this Government is neither prepared to complete the pre-deregulation assurances nor are Nigerians on the strength of extant track record, confident that there is a bulwark for the challenges of deregulating the most pervasive factor in socio-economic determinants of Nigeria. There are a number of examples to buttress the lack of serious capacity to do things right.

Why is Nigeria almost completely dependent on the importation of refined petroleum products for the entire economy when we have both human and material resources, and have had the time, to remedy the existing plants? Nigeria is the sixth largest exporter of crude oil and is the only member of OPEC in this ugly situation.

In 1999, the pump price of petrol was N17 and the incoming civilian government made a series of pledges about the refineries and distribution. Today, this is not the case and at a nominal price of N65 per litre of petrol in only a few cities, Nigerians are in the dark about the investments in refineries and are anxiously aware that the gigantic conspiracies in the import of products will not go away with deregulation. Where is that regulator with credibility and muscle to protect Nigerians and guard against anti-trust behaviours?

As a key component of creating an efficient deregulated market, Nigerians expect that the actual and contrived bottlenecks at our ports which are a huge source of demurrage charges and fraudulent practices would be dismantled in a brisk manner. This is not the case.

Another example of shoddiness is in the manner of informing Nigerians. It has begun in a cloak and dagger framework: bad cop, good cop. One, not quite recognisable, was ferrying the bad news, while another, in a role properly due to another functionary, cancels the first announcement of November 1 as commencement date. The so-called senior official of the NNPC has been countermanded by the Minister of Labour. It is instructive that it is the Minister of Labour, and not Ministers of Information or Petroleum who denied Government's decision on a commencement date.

Perhaps this is so as it is very likely he will be required to engage Labour Unions who have declared their readiness to keep dates at the barricades. It is however another atrocious example of a dysfunctional communication practice within this Federal Government that it could not synchronise a critical policy decision and its implementation details on a decision, which we are persuaded, will save Nigeria N650 billion annually, but is also well known to be an unfortunate tinderbox to the social fabric of the country.

Further, another matter that beggars belief in the imminent deregulation includes the fact that Government intends to continue with the concept of equalisation of prices across Nigeria. It cannot be proper to contradict this policy so blatantly. As deregulation has no half-way house, pump prices will be dictated by costs of importation or preferably local refining plus added cost of pipeline or truck deliveries to locations. By that fact, uniform prices cannot be the norm. We therefore counsel that this is an opportunity to erase fully any concept that would lead to suspicious subsidy, outright leakage of public funds and mischievous collaboration against the people of Nigeria.

The final obvious example of unpreparedness is the timing and economic environment. In a milieu of severe stress and shock in the finance sector infecting the entire credit and banking chain, it is difficult to locate the salvation point for the stupendous hike in transport fares, consumer costs and production prices that the deregulation of petrol will generate. The public dilemma is quite clear: that distance from supply point cannot be subsidised by tax payers, and also that efficiency and competition will not germinate overnight to check inordinate supplier-greed.

We accept the inevitability of the end of subsidy howsoever defined on petroleum products. But perhaps, far more germane is the stoppage of payments to freeloaders, rent seekers and unintended beneficiaries from the public purse. It behoves this Government to take another look at the Petroleum Trust Fund model and other examples across OPEC countries to convince Nigerians that the trade off for the so-called subsidy is applied in robust and transparent initiatives that convey to Nigerians respect and improved infrastructure, create jobs and implement conscientious governance. This matter may indeed turn out to be actually a test for the purpose of Government - to convince the people and stand measured by pledges.

The indications of the policy thrust for deregulating PMK and its anticipated performance grids are lamentably opaque, and far from these. The first task should be a revival of the country's refineries

The proposed deregulation of petrol price

FOR the better part of 20 years, the economics of the petroleum pump price has held Nigerians in a riveting contest. Military governments and elected governments have struggled to rationalise the socio-economics of petroleum pump price for the Nigerian people. On at least eight occasions in the past decade, the dynamics of the increased pump price has been the touch-stone for popular nationwide strike action by Nigeria's organised Labour unions contending with Federal Government on behalf of the masses.

Government has now decided to fully deregulate the price of petrol, (PMK), having already allowed the price of diesel and kerosene to find its open market price. According to the spokespersons, this would be the culmination of the deregulation of the downstream oil sector. The kernel of the issue remains fairly unchanged, namely that Government in its benevolence has subsidised the pump price for petroleum products and is no longer in a position to do so. In 2008, this country spent N650 billion on petroleum products subsidy. It would therefore allow the effective market-determined price to flow through to consumers and the expectant rational behaviour of the Nigerian consumer to come to play in the orthodox matrix of market demand and supply.

Deregulation as a doctrine is well acknowledged in a number of instances in our country today and Nigerians are at home with the vagaries created by deregulating a number of basic living sectors - epileptic electricity supplies, incontinent water supply, the progress of telecommunication, monetisation of public sector emoluments etc. In other words, the shedding of a benevolence toga by the Governments of Nigeria is up and running.

However, we assert that to let the pump price of PMK float independent of Government's influence or more certainly, public finance subsidies, is a most intractable option. First, this Government is neither prepared to complete the pre-deregulation assurances nor are Nigerians on the strength of extant track record, confident that there is a bulwark for the challenges of deregulating the most pervasive factor in socio-economic determinants of Nigeria. There are a number of examples to buttress the lack of serious capacity to do things right.

Why is Nigeria almost completely dependent on the importation of refined petroleum products for the entire economy when we have both human and material resources, and have had the time, to remedy the existing plants? Nigeria is the sixth largest exporter of crude oil and is the only member of OPEC in this ugly situation.

In 1999, the pump price of petrol was N17 and the incoming civilian government made a series of pledges about the refineries and distribution. Today, this is not the case and at a nominal price of N65 per litre of petrol in only a few cities, Nigerians are in the dark about the investments in refineries and are anxiously aware that the gigantic conspiracies in the import of products will not go away with deregulation. Where is that regulator with credibility and muscle to protect Nigerians and guard against anti-trust behaviours?

As a key component of creating an efficient deregulated market, Nigerians expect that the actual and contrived bottlenecks at our ports which are a huge source of demurrage charges and fraudulent practices would be dismantled in a brisk manner. This is not the case.

Another example of shoddiness is in the manner of informing Nigerians. It has begun in a cloak and dagger framework: bad cop, good cop. One, not quite recognisable, was ferrying the bad news, while another, in a role properly due to another functionary, cancels the first announcement of November 1 as commencement date. The so-called senior official of the NNPC has been countermanded by the Minister of Labour. It is instructive that it is the Minister of Labour, and not Ministers of Information or Petroleum who denied Government's decision on a commencement date.

Perhaps this is so as it is very likely he will be required to engage Labour Unions who have declared their readiness to keep dates at the barricades. It is however another atrocious example of a dysfunctional communication practice within this Federal Government that it could not synchronise a critical policy decision and its implementation details on a decision, which we are persuaded, will save Nigeria N650 billion annually, but is also well known to be an unfortunate tinderbox to the social fabric of the country.

Further, another matter that beggars belief in the imminent deregulation includes the fact that Government intends to continue with the concept of equalisation of prices across Nigeria. It cannot be proper to contradict this policy so blatantly. As deregulation has no half-way house, pump prices will be dictated by costs of importation or preferably local refining plus added cost of pipeline or truck deliveries to locations. By that fact, uniform prices cannot be the norm. We therefore counsel that this is an opportunity to erase fully any concept that would lead to suspicious subsidy, outright leakage of public funds and mischievous collaboration against the people of Nigeria.

The final obvious example of unpreparedness is the timing and economic environment. In a milieu of severe stress and shock in the finance sector infecting the entire credit and banking chain, it is difficult to locate the salvation point for the stupendous hike in transport fares, consumer costs and production prices that the deregulation of petrol will generate. The public dilemma is quite clear: that distance from supply point cannot be subsidised by tax payers, and also that efficiency and competition will not germinate overnight to check inordinate supplier-greed.

We accept the inevitability of the end of subsidy howsoever defined on petroleum products. But perhaps, far more germane is the stoppage of payments to freeloaders, rent seekers and unintended beneficiaries from the public purse. It behoves this Government to take another look at the Petroleum Trust Fund model and other examples across OPEC countries to convince Nigerians that the trade off for the so-called subsidy is applied in robust and transparent initiatives that convey to Nigerians respect and improved infrastructure, create jobs and implement conscientious governance. This matter may indeed turn out to be actually a test for the purpose of Government - to convince the people and stand measured by pledges.

The indications of the policy thrust for deregulating PMK and its anticipated performance grids are lamentably opaque, and far from these. The first task should be a revival of the country's refineries

Mouthing new post-amnesty levels

“The devil can cite scriptures for his purpose”…William Shakespeare

Dear President Yar’Adua,
William Shakespeare is acclaimed, by many, to be the greatest writer of all time, and one can hardly dispute that after enjoying quite a few of his plays and sonnets. Few know, however, of the many personal demons that tormented this great man.

Few knew of his compulsive_obsessive dispositions in the areas of wine, women and drink; let alone that he died from gluttony…literally from overeating!
But what no one can dispute is that Shakespeare was a master at reducing fundamental truths to succinctly stated simplicities.

One of such eternal simplicities is encapsulated in the one_liner quoted above, namely, that “The devil can cite scriptures for his purpose”. This is a referral to the devil’s botched attempt to tempt our Lord Jesus Christ by spinning scripture at Him; but it is still relevant in so many contemporary contexts.

Adolf Hitler’s Germany, for example, learnt this the hard way, when master propagandist Joseph Goebbels (extrapolating from this Shakespearean axiom) unleashed “The Big Lie” paradigm on a highly susceptible people.

According to Goebbels, “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. But the lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the State.”

We thank God that Hitler’s ostensibly democratic [he was duly “elected”, like yourself, Your Excellency] and common good seeking [Hitler sincerely believed that his madly murderous schemes were good!], but truly evil fascist, regime is now history; but mankind is ever alert that the madness of The Third Reich be never replicated even to the slightest degree anywhere in the world.

That is why good governance in the 21st Century must be hinged on true democracy and transparency.Which brings us to where we are today in Nigeria, with democracy murdered courtesy of Professor Maurice Ewu’s Non-Independent National Electoral Commission and your administration’s struggles with legitimacy and transparency.

Even you, Mr. President, have repeatedly admitted that you attained power through a flawed electoral process (in itself, the basest form of fundamental corruption)…which is why you have deemed it necessary to start a process (even if merely salutary) of electoral reforms. But this is not our concern today, for the nation has resigned itself to your being Nigerian President….at least, till 2011.

What very few Nigerians have been able to accommodate, however, is your knack for mouthing platitudes such as the need to enthrone “the rule of law” and “good governance” [based on how you were tailored by the El-Rufais et al] without being compliant with the full-disclosure elements of commensurately mandatory transparency.

So, for example, we have had your administration loudly declaring “love” for the people of the Niger Delta: offering “armed militants” a dictated amnesty and telling all Niger Deltans to exhibit a submissive “perseverance, patience and hardwork” …without revealing what positive plans you have for the region?! All their demands for justice, and that you let them know your post-amnesty programme, have met with an insufferably condescending slowness of action to date.

You have not even deemed it auspicious to publish the long_overdue White Paper on the Report of the Technical Committee on the Niger Delta, which Your Eminence set up (as a favour?!) at the instance of the region’s people; notwithstanding the ongoing clamour [from militants, elders, youths, communities alike] that you do so immediately, in the interest of sustainable peace, as that would give the best idea of your time-bound plans for justice and development to come to the region!

However, you have no qualms or hesitation to fast_track the announcement and implementation of other policies and progammes inimical to the long_oppressed and beleaguered people of the region…such as vilely ordering a genocidal action against the innocent Izon aged, women and children of Gbaramatu kingdom; and the commencing of the further opening up of the north by making it gain direct access to the sea, via the dredging of the River Niger….[sans any credible Environmental Impact Assessments, and against the vociferous objections of the Niger Deltans who may have their communities washed away during the irresponsible dredging exercise!!!]

Before some hothead starts accusing this author of stirring up an anti-northern or unpatriotic hornets’ nest, we must remember that our national interest has so far been subsumed in our ethnic interests [despite the many recent claims by the vocal Arewa Consultative Forum to the contrary!]. All the Niger Deltans are demanding is justice, equity and respect within this contraption called Nigeria.

Contraption? Yes, let it be remembered, that it was the northern leader, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, who in his wisdom opined that “Many [Nigerians] deceive themselves by thinking that Nigeria is one….particularly some of the press people…..This is wrong. I am sorry to say that this presence of unity is artificial…..

The Southern tribes who are now pouring into the North in ever increasing numbers and are more or less domiciled there do not mix with the Northern people….and we in the North look upon them as invaders.”

Whilst we all welcome peace in the Niger Delta [and by extension in Nigeria], Mr. President, let the truth be known: Peace without justice is an anachronism…it is equivalent to a Goebbellian Big Lie.

Those hawks misleading you into thinking that a graveyard peace is the same as the desired sustainable peace are merely singing for their dinner by citing “scriptures to suit their purpose.” Shalom

The Nigerian Constitution: Amendment or conference?

OF all the constitutions that Nigerians and Nigeria had operated, none has been so severally stricture as the 1999 constitution presumably because of its military background. Some see it as an imposition by the military to ensure the unity of the country through a powerful and wealthy central government in a federal environment.

Nigerians who acquired Independence in 1960 were under the mistaken impression or grand illusion that they were running a federal system of government where each of the three regions had specific roles on Education, Health and General Administration and welfare of its people adequately provided for and securely protected by the constitution –The supreme law of the land.

The grand illusion was however shattered by the direct intervention of the federal government in the Action Group crisis which resulted in the breakdown of law and order in the Western Region. That apparent partiality of the federal government in the 1960s brought in its wake disputed elections, destruction of lives and properties and eventually, the disastrous but unnecessary civil war and the incursion of the military in administration.

With all its virtues, the 1979 constitution did not consider the attitude of Nigerians and the political naivety of Nigerians when it presented the presidential system of government for the country. Typically, Nigerian politicians messed up, enthroned tribalism, encouraged sycophancy and embraced political jobbery and corruption.

The 4-years tenure of the 1979 constitution showed vividly that the presidential system was costly and required matured flexibility which Nigerian politicians lacked. The failure of the 1979 constitutional experiment brought the return of the military adventurers into civil administration of the country.

Some of them brought order and discipline; some assaulted the Naira and crashed it while others saved our resources in foreign countries without our knowledge and consent. At the end of the military rule, the country was kept united but poor. The command tone ,’with immediate effect’ was in vogue but without any positive motion.

At the threshold of the 1999 Constitution, the centre (Federal Government) had become very strong ;states and local government councils had appeared in many shapes and forms, with neither homogeneity or wealth to survive and serve the citizens.

To lawmen, the 1999 Constitution , made by the military was designed to sustain military errors in governance , i.e. strong centre with weak states and weaker local governments; distorted federal fiscal system and gradual abandonment of welfare concepts.

The operation of the 1999 Constitution has shown clearly its limitations in many areas. Since the enthronement of Democracy more than a decade ago, the country has witnessed the growth of the “federal might” . An example is the operation of the concept of “stick first, ‘carrot later’ approach in the Niger Delta.

The federal government still takes more than fifty (50) percent of the country’s revenue; it is the only investor (on behalf of the country) in the oil and gas industry and distributes money realized to the other tiers of government as prescribed by the Constitution.

The experience under the operation of the 1999 Constitution confirmed the impression in political circles that the court and not the voter is the arbiter in any political contest. It has also enshrined the supremacy of political parties against individuals in the country. Only party members could contest elections in all tiers of government.

Thus, the supremacy of the party is complete and the removal of a non-performing ruling party is more than an herculean task. A more sinister aspect of experience under the present dispensation is the lack of security of lives and properties. While armed robbers confront security agencies in broad daylight, assassins and kidnappers operate freely day and night.

Political killings are becoming more fashionable while mere dissents are being visited with vengeance. It has become almost impossible to separate personal from political differences in a system where ‘everything goes’ in an atmosphere of recriminations and abuses.

It is a fact that a constitution cannot provide for everything or provide answers to all problems when the attitude of the people are fixated on wrong premises and remained unchanged. However, it is not too late to re-examine the present 1999 constitution in the light of obvious deficiencies which could not be appropriately or properly tackled by the Senate and the House of Representatives because of political partisanship and ethnic chauvinism.

These matters noted below should be suitable for a National Conference:
1. Power Problem and its effects on National Economy.
2.Parliamentary/Presidential system of government
3.Power of Federal Government in a federation
4.Many poor states or six viable zones
5. Federal/State police Authorities
6.Security of life & properties
7.Final solution to Niger Delta Development
8. Electoral Reforms

Nigeria’s latest global ranking

The latest ranking of Nigeria’s economy as the 99th in the world by the world Economic Forum, a Geneva-based organisation, does not bode well for our country. Nigeria was among the 133 countries assessed in the Global Competitiveness Report for the period 2009-2010.

The ranking is based on a poll of over 13,000 business leaders and a collection of key indices of each country’s economy. The outcome of the ranking, which is a yearly exercise, shows Nigeria five places down the scale. Last year, Nigeria’s economy was ranked 94th in the world. This implies that the key indices necessary for economic development are deteriorating rather than improving. The recent economic meltdown is said to have taken its toll on many countries, and Nigeria may have been hard hit by the aftershock of the global economic turbulence.

But the World Economic Forum in its report noted that Nigeria’s reversal of fortunes was deepened by a combination of factors which include weak institutional frameworks, security concern, high level of corruption especially in key government institutions, and by public officials and wasteful spending. For instance, in the area of weak institutions, Nigeria was ranked 102nd, insecurity (117th), corruption (122nd) and wasteful spending (120th).

Also, the worst area in the ranking was at the primary education level which was ranked 132nd out of the 133 countries that were surveyed. Besides, Nigeria’s state of infrastructure was described as appalling by the report. It was ranked 127th.

However, the consolation is that Nigeria’s macroeconomic environment received a somewhat favourable rating. It was ranked 20th. This is on the basis of what the report called Nigeria’s “high national savings rate” and “low national debt.” Also, our market size was rated very highly at 42nd in the world. This, the WEF report explains, provides opportunities of economies of scale to companies operating in Nigeria.

Overall, South Africa’s economy came tops in the African continent. Its financial markets were rated five times higher than they were last year. Key institutions are said to be in excellent form.

We are not surprised by the ranking. It confirms our fears, and indeed that of investors, that the Federal Government has done so much talk and less walk in improving our economy. Clearly, in the last one year alone, more energies have been devoted to policy pronouncements and less to concrete action plan that will move the economy out of its present doldrums. Knowledge-based economics seems to be lacking by the handlers of Nigeria’s key sectors. Institutions of government that are supposed to ginger economic growth are not measuring up to expectations. Official corruption still ranks high, infrastructure decay, erratic power supply, bad road network and spate of kidnappings, remain disincentives to investments. The latest turbulence in the capital market may have equally worsened matters.

Indeed, one of the consequences of Nigeria’s latest poor ranking is that it is capable of weakening investors’ confidence since investors make their decisions based on the strength or weakness of every given country’s economy. Such decisions are determined by business environment and efficiency, innovation and regulations, among other critical factors.

Sadly, none of these indices ranks high in investors’ scale of preference. Therefore, we urge government to take this latest global competitiveness ranking as a wake-up call to improve the economy.
Government and its key institutions must strive to establish and maintain international performance benchmarks for the economy if it must get good ratings that can sustain confidence in the country. A poor rating as reflected in the latest ranking by the World Economic Forum will not do our economy any good whatsoever

The N300bn stimulus package

The decision of the National Economic Council (NEC) authorizing the withdrawal of N300 billion (about $2 billion) from the Excess Crude Account to be distributed to the three-tiers of government–the Federal, states and local governments–to buoy the economy is a good one, only if the fund would be used for the stated purposes.

Excess Crude Account is the one into which Nigeria saves oil revenue above a benchmark level as a protection against any fall in world energy prices. NEC, an advisory body comprising the 36 state governors, the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, and ministers of Finance, National Planning, Attorney General and Minister of Justice, took the decision last week at the behest of the CBN, which had at its presentation during the meeting painted a grim picture of liquidity problems in the commercial banks due to the ongoing reforms in the banking sector.

As a result of this, President Umaru Yar’Adua reportedly requested that the $2bn be made available to the three-tiers of government to mitigate the negative impact of the liquidity crisis occasioned by the recent economic meltdown and the current credit crunch in the banking sector.

In this direction, the Federation Accounts and Allocation Committee (FAAC) is expected to begin the distribution of the funds to the respective tiers of government, as well as work out the sharing formula. The amount is to be used to pay local contractors, many of whom are owing banks huge sums of money. It is believed that Non-performing loans (NPLs) recorded in some of the troubled banks were partly attributed to debts by contractors. Secondly, the injection of the fund is to be used to execute projects which can create jobs and stimulate the economy.

We heartily welcome NEC’s decision. Indeed, we support every well-thought-out measure that will strengthen our economy. There is no doubt that due to ongoing efforts to sanitize the banking sector and the turbulence which has hit the capital market, resulting in huge losses in the value of stocks, our economy has received a hammering. It, therefore, needs a stimulus package that will propel steady growth.
Beyond that, domestic debt to local contractors is believed to have risen to an all time high of N1.9 trillion. Again, this doesn’t encourage economic growth. Therefore, the N300bn is seen as quick and short term fiscal stimulus that could put the economy back on the path of recovery.

However, as well-intentioned as this stimulus package may appear, our worry is that the fund may end up as political patronage, thereby defeating the lofty objectives. Misapplication and outright misappropriation of fund intended for public good have often been the bane of our society. It has become the occupational disease of our politicians who are notorious for not being good managers of public funds.

The timing of the disbursement of this money is equally suspect. Coming close to election year raises additional worry that the money may be misused by key officials of government, especially at the state and local government levels.
We urge the Federal Government to take a cue from countries such as USA on how to administer fiscal stimulus on critical sectors of the economy.

There is no doubt that the injection of the N300bn will, if well managed, accelerate economic growth. But, growth will be hard to attain if the fund is mismanaged or misappropriated. We had expected government to channel this stimulus package into specific critical areas such as road rehabilitation, housing and energy supplies. All the same, we challenge the three tiers of government, especially the officials who will manage the utilization, to think through the projects they want to execute. Transparency should be the watch-word.

Nigerians have watched with utter helplessness the rate at which public funds are diverted into private pockets. This stimulus package should not be allowed to go the same way.

Before another consolidation of banks

Prior to the present reforms initiated by the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr Lamido Sanusi, Nigeria’s banking sector was under a huge blanket of suspicion. Confidence, a key ingredient for stability, was greatly eroded. Even among the operators themselves, unethical and other underhand tactics were employed to discredit one another’s performance.

Despite the 2005 recapitalisation exercise, the financial balance sheets of some of the banks were not as good as the investing public was made to believe. It was, therefore, no surprise when the new CBN governor ordered an audit of the 24 banks. The outcome led to the removal of eight bank chiefs by the apex bank. A total of N620 billion was injected to keep them afloat.

With the audit exercise over, there are signals that CBN may commence another round of bank consolidation. Undoubtedly, lifting our banks from the morass they are currently mired in, requires comprehensive measures that should go beyond recapitalisation. We agree that as long as the banks’ balance sheets remain weighed down by problematic assets, credit growth will remain sluggish.
In this wise, a second round of recapitalisation is not a bad idea. But a fresh consolidation should be just one of the strategies to put our banks in good stead to withstand both domestic and external turbulence. Our worry, however, for any planned recapitalisation is that it could be a ploy by the CBN governor to reduce the number of commercial banks operating in Nigeria to his ideal number of 15, which he indicated on assumption of office.

If that is the reason, the CBN may be working to the answer in the name of consolidation. We hope that is not the real intention. While we support every effort to sanitize the banking sector, the CBN must create a framework that will enable banks emerge either through acquisitions or mergers. In this regard, the apex bank must be thorough and impartial. Any bidding to acquire the ailing banks, either by local or foreign banks, must be seen to be transparent. It must follow all due process.

It is our view that the main problem facing Nigeria’s banking sector is lack of corporate governance, not necessarily capital. For any meaningful reform, the operators must embrace best practices as demanded by the tenets of corporate governance. This entails keeping scrupulously to the ethics of banking. Until now, many banks have been found to cook their financial records, apparently to deceive shareholders and the investing public. Ethics mattered little to many of the bank chiefs. Violations of the rules and regulations were the norm. All of these were part of the portal of fraud that assailed the Nigerian banking sector before the CBN hammer fell on erring bank MD/CEOs.

Therefore, one solution is to ensure that henceforth, the banks and their Chief Executives are ready to play by the rules of proper banking operations. The key to enduring reform rests with enforcement of corporate governance and punishment of offenders. In the past, the CBN and the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) which should have kept watchful eyes on the commercial banks appeared rather soft in the area of enforcement of the rules. In some instances, top officials of the two regulatory authorities were accused of compromising themselves by cavorting with MD/CEOs of some banks. Too much familiarity breeds reluctance in enforcing the rules.

We advise that every plan by the apex bank to reform the banking sector must clearly define and determine the scope and next level the industry will aspire to reach. But in all, corporate governance must take pre-eminent position in every strategic plan.

Also, effective control measures that can identify and discipline erring banks staff should be considered. Overall, any fresh round of bank consolidation must go notches higher than the previous one

Vision 20-2020: Rising from ground zero

The Federal Government seems to have at last ended months of much talk and little action, and has released what now appears on paper as a realistic blueprint towards making Nigeria rank among 20 top economies in the world by the year 2020. The Vision 20-2020 document has been unveiled, after nine months of brainstorming by over 100 experts empanelled into groups to draft the vision plan.

In the last ten months alone, the Federal Government inaugurated a plethora of committees to translate the vision into reality. Among these was the Business Support Group (BSG), which was inaugurated in February. The Group was tasked to prepare a realistic framework that will meet government’s objectives in line with its Seven-Point Agenda.

Also, over the past months, other committees empanelled by government include the National Council on Nigerian Economy, and the National Steering Committee on Vision 2020.

We have always insisted that for Vision 2020 to have any realistic chance of succeeding, it must be matched by a corresponding action plan that is achievable, based on all indices that propel economic prosperity and political stability. In this regard, we welcome some of the critical areas stressed in the blueprint. First is that Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) must not be less than $900 billion, and the national per capita income which measures the people’s standard of living should not be less than $4,000 per year by the year 2020.

Besides, the document dutifully identified priority areas that government must address urgently. These include decentralisation of governance and sustainability, electoral reforms, land use/property reforms, public service reforms, national security, human capacity development, as well as critical infrastructure, with particular emphasis on power and transportation. It is also clear from the blueprint that government plans to generate 60,000 megawatts (mw) of electricity in order to make Nigeria among the 20 great countries of the world, by focusing on renewable and sustainable energy sources. Interestingly also, government says it hopes to make the citizens’ per capita income reach $1,700. This is 300 percent higher than the 2005 figure.

These are lofty objectives and targets and we commend the vision. However, we continue to insist that these are achievable targets only if government shows corresponding commitment to meeting them. Visioning is vacuous unless it is matched with political will and sincerity of purpose. Sadly, available facts on ground show pointedly that there is no unflappable commitment to achieving this ambitious programme, which is designed to make us rub shoulders with the top 20 economies of the world. That is why many Nigerians still harbour serious doubts about the workability of Vision 2020. We, therefore, challenge government to rise above this ground zero level and prove critics wrong that, indeed, it has the political will to provide steady power supply which is a major plank upon which all other developing plans can succeed. Less than three months to the deadline of meeting 6,000 megawatts, government is far from generating 50 percent of that target.

It is not enough to make promises, there should be clear time lines on each target.
We believe that the next two years will be critical, because it will be the period of elections. And how successful the polls are will depend largely on a set of factors which include genuine electoral reforms, and systems, institutions and processes anchored on good leadership.

We must not discountenance reforms, which are the bedrock of a sound public service and human capital development. It is regrettable that ten years into our democracy, the country is yet to have a comprehensive public service reform. We, however, believe that the current effort by the Head of Service of the Federation will yield the necessary result, if pursued with diligence. Inasmuch as we have our reservations about the government blueprint towards actualising Vision 2020, all hope is not lost.

We need to see a fundamental change in critical sectors that drive the economy. This is because any realistic vision must say something that clarifies the direction in which a nation intends to go. This can only be achieved through action, not by words alone. If Nigeria must meet the targets encapsulated in the 20-2020 blueprint, now is the time to begin comprehensive reforms in the critical areas that can make the vision possible. Without that, we are merely engaged in a pipe dream, mere chasing after the wind.

Nigeria’s latest global ranking

The latest ranking of Nigeria’s economy as the 99th in the world by the world Economic Forum, a Geneva-based organisation, does not bode well for our country. Nigeria was among the 133 countries assessed in the Global Competitiveness Report for the period 2009-2010.

The ranking is based on a poll of over 13,000 business leaders and a collection of key indices of each country’s economy. The outcome of the ranking, which is a yearly exercise, shows Nigeria five places down the scale. Last year, Nigeria’s economy was ranked 94th in the world. This implies that the key indices necessary for economic development are deteriorating rather than improving. The recent economic meltdown is said to have taken its toll on many countries, and Nigeria may have been hard hit by the aftershock of the global economic turbulence.

But the World Economic Forum in its report noted that Nigeria’s reversal of fortunes was deepened by a combination of factors which include weak institutional frameworks, security concern, high level of corruption especially in key government institutions, and by public officials and wasteful spending. For instance, in the area of weak institutions, Nigeria was ranked 102nd, insecurity (117th), corruption (122nd) and wasteful spending (120th).

Also, the worst area in the ranking was at the primary education level which was ranked 132nd out of the 133 countries that were surveyed. Besides, Nigeria’s state of infrastructure was described as appalling by the report. It was ranked 127th.

However, the consolation is that Nigeria’s macroeconomic environment received a somewhat favourable rating. It was ranked 20th. This is on the basis of what the report called Nigeria’s “high national savings rate” and “low national debt.” Also, our market size was rated very highly at 42nd in the world. This, the WEF report explains, provides opportunities of economies of scale to companies operating in Nigeria.

Overall, South Africa’s economy came tops in the African continent. Its financial markets were rated five times higher than they were last year. Key institutions are said to be in excellent form.

We are not surprised by the ranking. It confirms our fears, and indeed that of investors, that the Federal Government has done so much talk and less walk in improving our economy. Clearly, in the last one year alone, more energies have been devoted to policy pronouncements and less to concrete action plan that will move the economy out of its present doldrums. Knowledge-based economics seems to be lacking by the handlers of Nigeria’s key sectors. Institutions of government that are supposed to ginger economic growth are not measuring up to expectations. Official corruption still ranks high, infrastructure decay, erratic power supply, bad road network and spate of kidnappings, remain disincentives to investments. The latest turbulence in the capital market may have equally worsened matters.

Indeed, one of the consequences of Nigeria’s latest poor ranking is that it is capable of weakening investors’ confidence since investors make their decisions based on the strength or weakness of every given country’s economy. Such decisions are determined by business environment and efficiency, innovation and regulations, among other critical factors.

Sadly, none of these indices ranks high in investors’ scale of preference. Therefore, we urge government to take this latest global competitiveness ranking as a wake-up call to improve the economy.
Government and its key institutions must strive to establish and maintain international performance benchmarks for the economy if it must get good ratings that can sustain confidence in the country. A poor rating as reflected in the latest ranking by the World Economic Forum will not do our economy any good whatsoever.

PDP

THERE is a political dialogue (or diatribe - whichever you prefer) currently taking place simultaneously in Anambra State and in Abuja. It is a dialogue (or diatribe) of the hearing-impaired. No one is listening. There is only one item on the agenda. Participants are canvassing the best way to elect or select one candidate from the list of 47 candidates who have put up their hands to represent the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in the February 2010 governorship election in Anambra State.

Sitting round the table are leaders of the PDP who feel they are equipped with the best knowledge to determine what is best for the party. What is in the best interest of the party, they say, is that Charles Chukwuma Soludo, former governor of the Central Bank, is the finest candidate to contest the governorship election on the platform of the PDP. Other participants include: 47 PDP candidates from Anambra who are seeking to represent the party in the governorship election next year; PDP delegates to the ward and state congresses of the party; and lawyers and security guards.

Every political candidate fighting to represent the PDP in the Anambra governorship election believes that he or she has the most formidable credentials to win the election. Although the PDP leadership claimed that "The National Working Committee had done everything possible to ensure a selection process that is democratic, transparent, and acceptable to all since the release of the election guidelines by INEC," many aggrieved candidates and delegates argue that the process that led to the selection of Soludo (and Senator Emma Anosike, as his running mate) was neither democratic, transparent, nor acceptable to everyone.

It is tragic that the PDP leadership did not allow its governorship candidate to emerge through a free and fair election. However, it should be noted that the ward and state congresses which would have elected the candidate ended in a free-for-all, leading to a court injunction that terminated the process. Still, the idea that a clique of PDP leaders empowered themselves to select Soludo as the governorship candidate represents the hallmark of political dictatorship, injustice and manipulation of party rules for electing governorship candidates.

The manner of Soludo's selection, the selection of a governorship candidate through a process that was neither legal nor morally upright, and the oratorical false piety displayed by the PDP leadership suggest that peace will not return to Anambra soon. Even if Soludo manages to scale all the legal hurdles within the PDP, which he is sure to confront as he prepares for his final race to the Government House in Awka, even if he wins the February 6, 2010 governorship election, the legitimacy of his government would be the subject of endless legal challenges, editorial cartoons and public ridicule.

I don't know how Soludo, a man who managed Nigeria's Central Bank (an institution in which honesty and transparency are keywords) can afford to participate in a process in which the dark forces of politics thrive, where politicians deal and wheel without ethical consideration, and where fraudulent practices are compulsory prerequisites for success. Soludo must avoid turning himself into a sponge on which other aggrieved PDP candidates will dump their anger. It is a delicate situation because he did not select himself. However, he has the authority to reject the manner of his selection.

The way Soludo was selected as the PDP candidate for the February 6, 2010 governorship election does not bode well for democracy within the party. It is a ghastly signal to the people of Anambra State about how the PDP plans to govern if it wins the governorship election in four months' time. The manner of Soludo's selection not only violated the rights of other candidates to contest the election in a fair manner, it also rubbished public understandings of the concepts of transparency and evenhandedness.

In many ways, the PDP has mocked its own ideology of candidness. A political party that cannot adopt and reflect the principles of democracy in its internal affairs has no business trying to govern a state. A political party that cannot respect a court injunction is not capable of respecting its own "rule of law" philosophy. It is a disgusting scenario. The PDP is so determined to disentangle itself from the political logjam it created in Anambra that the party leaders were prepared to adopt less than sincere strategies to beat the deadline set by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for parties to submit the names of their candidates.

Rather than entrench peace and unity within the Anambra wing of the PDP, the dodgy procedures adopted in selecting Soludo have only deepened widespread disenchantment among members of the party at the ward and state levels.

Someone once said that the product of illegality will always wear the mark of illegality. This is what Soludo must avoid. If he must remain in the governorship race with his reputation intact, he must reject his nomination and ask the PDP kingmakers to conduct a fresh election that would give all candidates equal chance of victory. The process must be clear, fair and open. Delegates at the state and ward congresses of the party should exercise the freedom to vote for a candidate of their choice.

Part of the reason why the PDP is currently entangled in a bitter dispute with its own members over the election of a candidate for the governorship election in Anambra State has to do with the dominant influence of political godfathers in the party. In the PDP, as in some other parties, godfathers are untouchable. They are like inviolable precious commodities. They cannot be sanctioned because they are above the law. Over the years, the godfathers in the PDP have served the party so well in many ways that no one has the guts to curb the disruptive influence of these soldiers of fortune.

In Anambra State, no one in the leadership of the PDP has the courage to confront a particular godfather named Chris Uba. President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua lacks the political guile to engage Uba or to disrupt his network of troublemakers in Anambra. Even Olusegun Obasanjo, with all the powers entrusted on him as president, opted to dine with Chris Uba rather than to discipline him. In Chris Uba, Obasanjo found a fall guy who willingly helped him to actualise his sinister politics of divide-and-rule in Anambra. The PDP leadership must now accept that those who dine with the godfathers must be prepared to allow the godfathers to dictate how the party should be governed.

The disruptive influence of godfathers in Anambra politics did not start overnight. When Chinwoke Mbadinuju served as governor, he was regularly at war with his godfather - Emeka Offor. But the dispute between Mbadinuju and Offor was nowhere near the deadly entertainment that Chris Ngige and his godfather Chris Uba served the people of Anambra for more than four years. At one point, Ngige was kidnapped and trapped in a toilet, making him the first elected governor in Nigeria to be subjected to such indignity because he disagreed vigorously with his godfather.

If the PDP cannot eradicate the disorderly conduct of the growing band of godfathers within its household, it must learn to tolerate and live with the godfathers' kind of politics. If the PDP insists on retaining Soludo as its governorship candidate, the party must provide him with the mechanisms that would guarantee him a trouble-free run to the governorship election in February next year. It will not be easy because the 23 candidates who have visibly expressed their disagreement with the selection of Soludo could constitute major obstacles.

While Soludo could turn out to be a very good governorship candidate for the PDP (not minding that his enemies constantly remind us that the man is "politically inexperienced"), the key challenge for the PDP is to demonstrate that, in selecting Soludo, the party followed appropriate legal procedures, that it observed democratic norms, and that it provided other contestants a level playing field to be elected.

The challenge for Soludo is to find ways of drawing everyone to his side, to heal the wounds opened by the selection process, and to convince everyone that he is not a political "lightweight" as his detractors like to point out. Uniting the party should be the ultimate objective of the PDP and Soludo. Anything less would be a rehearsal for more disasters.

The Buy-Nigerian-goods campaign

THE current attempt by the Federal Government to encourage Nigerians to patronise Made-in-Nigeria products is a re-invention of an old initiative which in its presentation loses sight of the challenges involved and falls short on the scale of honesty. About N200 million has been earmarked for the campaign. Throwing money at a rather straight-forward issue would only serve the purpose of those government officials who obviously stand to benefit from managing the fund.

The Minister of Commerce and Industry, Chief Achike Udenwa argues that the only reason Nigerians are not patronising Made-in-Nigeria goods is due to ego, (self-pride that they are patronizing foreign goods) and not because Nigerian products are inferior in quality. "Attitudinal change is our problem and if our economy must grow, our attitude must change," he said. "We must consume our own product first before others could follow suit." On October 13, the Buy Nigerian goods campaign was flagged off in Abuja (they have started spending the N200 million!). Vice President Goodluck Jonathan, representing President Yar'Adua directed that henceforth, foreign beverages must not be served at official functions. If there would be penalties for flouting this order the Vice President did not say so. But the reports state that no Federal Government official should drink foreign tea, or foreign coffee, foreign fruit juice, or foreign water, foreign soft drinks, or eat any biscuit that is not made in Nigeria, except at home of course. Who is going to police this?

In addition, Nigeria's foreign aid to other countries must include made-in-Nigeria products such as "Nigerian assembled vehicles and Nigerian made blankets", and all contractors must give priority to made in Nigeria products. All uniforms and boots of the Armed Forces must also be sourced locally. And now listen to this statement by President Yar'Adua: "With a population of 140 million people, Nigeria's market is strong enough to sustain a bubbling domestic industrial sector if only Nigerians look inwards at their local products. Unfortunately many industries had to close shop due to lack of patronage of their products by Nigerians. We must, therefore, re-orientate ourselves to value what we produce in order to develop a strong and virile industrial base".

The Federal Government should stop playing the ostrich. The average Nigerian is not guilty of a lack of consumer patriotism as is being alleged. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry is looking for an opportunity to spend money. An old, well-worn, often wrong-headed Buy Nigerian goods campaign looks like a convenient excuse. Many industries did not close shop due to lack of patronage. They did because of the failure of Nigeria's industrial policy and even of the Nigerian state. The re-orientation that is being sought must begin with government. What for example, is the Federal Government's industrial policy? Spending N200 million on a hollow campaign cannot make up for a holistic framework for jump-starting the Nigerian economy "to develop a strong and virile industrial base."

The truth is that majority of Nigerians would rather patronize Nigerian products. Those who out of ego vote for foreign goods and services constitute a minority and they belong to the same class as those who want to spend our N200 million. We should be talking about consumer patriotism among the elite. President Yar'Adua says "if only Nigerians look inwards at their products." This should include government officials patronizing local hospitals, instead of taking hard-earned foreign exchange to hospitals in Saudi Arabia, Germany, South Africa, India and elsewhere. President Yar'Adua should ban all such trips by government officials! One other way to show good example is to make sure that the children of government officials all go to school in Nigeria, not abroad!

Between the President and the Minister of Commerce and Industry so much hot air was blown about buying Nigerian textiles. In the 70s, there were close to 200 textile factories across Nigeria. Today, they are less than 25. Two years ago, many of the factories including the famous United Nigeria Textile Factory (UNTL) closed shop, not because Nigerians were not buying their products but because the cost of production was so high it no longer made sense to remain in business. The Federal Government promised a N70 billion bail-out for the textile industry which it has now increased to N100 billion. Bail-out is one of those fancy phrases the Nigerian government likes to throw around, without the required will to produce results. Today, much better quality textiles are being imported from Ghana, Europe and China. President Yar'Adua's bail-out has not had any effect on the energy and smuggling crises which hobbled the Nigerian textile industry. And no one has yet resolved the mystery of an earlier N70 billion bail out fund which the Obasanjo administration "invested" in the textile industry: cheques were issued to the textile factories but those cheques bounced at the counter!

How about tyres? Michelin, Dunlop, the Odutola Tyres Company of old, used to produce tyres locally in this country. And Nigerians patronised their products. Where are the same companies today? Michelin and Dunlop have since shut down their factories in Nigeria and relocated to neighbouring countries, the Nigerian market now boasts of only imported tyres. There was also a reference to Nigerian assembled cars. Has the Federal Government done anything to support the car assembly plants in Nigeria? Federal Government officials ride imported cars, not so? And petroleum products: Is it because Nigerians are egoistic that the country's refineries are no longer functioning and the country has to depend on imported petroleum products? Nigerians would of course gladly buy made-in-Nigeria petrol, diesel and kerosene. It would be cheaper to do so, and all that scare-mongering about subsidy and deregulation and a likely hike in the pump price of petrol by November 1 would not have arisen.

For close to a decade, the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) has been complaining about low capacity utilization. In 2007, the World Bank ranked Nigeria's manufacturing sector 83 out of 117 countries, with capacity utilization at less than 40 per cent. The situation today is worse. The Minister of Commerce and Industry and his team of consultants should be more interested in coming up with workable ideas about how industrial capacity can be raised. In the 70s, both the Federal and state governments created industrial states. In Lagos alone, there were such estates in Isolo, Apapa, Ikeja etc, and they thrived. The factories in those estates have since shut down. Not because of lack of patronage. The ones that are still in business are either operating at low capacity, or they have become warehouses for imported goods.

Cost of production in Nigeria is too high, making it cheaper and more profitable to import foreign products. Government talks about buying made-in-Nigeria goods, but it has no policy for encouraging local productivity. There is in existence a lengthy Import Prohibition List, but all the items on that list are being sold openly on Nigerian streets. Government compromises local industry by not providing any form of protection and by refusing to enforce existing regulations. The Customs and Excise Department is on record as having once declared that the wives of prominent Nigerians are the leading smugglers in the country and that it is in no position to enforce the law due to pressures from the influential husbands of those women! Local industries would continue to fail if Nigeria remains a dumping ground for all kinds of imports.

Government must play its part. It watches helplessly as foreign companies doing business in Nigeria abuse the expatriate quota. A so-called local content policy in the extractive industry is not being closely monitored. Small-scale businesses are not encouraged. Import waivers are granted a chosen few with connections in high places, thus creating distortions in the market. These are the issues. Government needs to create an enabling environment, and a level playing field, for industry to thrive, and this would require fiscal and monetary policies that encourage entrepreneurship. Low interest rates. A strong currency. Uncertainties and instability in the system would have to be reduced. Provision of quality infrastructure is essential. Power. Good roads. These are elementary needs. The crisis of poverty must also be addressed. It is ironic that a country that continues to impoverish its people is campaigning about consumption of products and services. Many Nigerians are not even in a position to buy anything, they just want food, shelter and clothing.

The same week that N200 million was being spent on the Made-in-Nigeria goods campaign, the Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Youth and Social Development, Mr. Dapo Oyedokun declared that "Of the over 40 million youths in the country, 23 million are unemployable and therefore susceptible to crime..." This is what the Federal Government should be more concerned about. The army of unemployed, unemployable youths continues to grow largely due to bad governance. And the collapse of industry and the education sector. Leadership failure is at the heart of the dilemma. When Michelin closed down its Port Harcourt plant in February 2009, about 1,500 workers were laid off. Over 20,000 Nigerians lost their jobs when the Kaduna textile factories shut down. This year, the Corporate Affairs Commission announced the de-listing of 400,000 companies which had gone out of business. Where was the Ministry of Industry then?

If Nigerians must buy made in Nigeria products, those products must be available to start with and at affordable rates. Achike Udenwa and his team must refuse the temptation to waste N200 million on a campaign that begs the issue. He says the campaign will be taken to the six geo-political zones, and to states and local governments. If he has no idea what to do with that Ministry, let him start by reading a few books on the industrial revolution in South East Asia.

Making the monthly stimulus packages work

DESPITE the collaboration of the standing presidential economic team and the ad-hoc presidential steering committee, the Yar'Adua administration economic policies have induced and exacerbated instead of containing and fending off the adverse effects of the 2007 global financial meltdown on the already floundering Nigerian economy. At the just concluded 2009 IMF/World Bank annual conference in Istanbul, Turkey, the government delegation announced quite belatedly the plan to release $2 billion out of past excess crude oil savings from the Federation Account as a stimulus package for tackling the unyielding economic problems.

Before assessing the prospects of the proposal, attention must be paid to media reports that President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua first directed the Finance Minister to release the amount, which the National Economic Council subsequently purportedly ratified and vested with the requisite legal backing. That approach does not conform with our written constitution, which mandates the National Assembly to determine the revenue allocation formula as well as authorise distribution of funds from the Federation Account. Such usurpation of legislative functions by the executive arm of government is not in the national interest.

Next, it is necessary to correct any impression that government would inject $2 billion into the economy because N300 billion purported to be the equivalent of the said dollar amount would actually be released. From the point of view of sound economic analysis, the expected impact of correctly infusing $2 billion into the system (which real disbursement of Federation Account dollar proceeds presupposes) is heightened economic activity, which is the very opposite to that of injecting spurious N300 billion equivalent to merely bloat the money supply volume with attendant intractably disruptive macroeconomic problems which suffocate the productive sectors of the economy contrary to the intentions of embarking on a stimulus plan in the first place.

In effect, injecting naira equivalents voids the benefits derivable from export earnings. Nigeria's ruefully laggardly economy is the end product of unrelieved injection of spurious naira equivalents of well over $700 billion oil proceeds that has accrued to the Federation Account over the years. The foregoing explains why the present administration has been unable to reverse the unsatisfactory national economic fortunes: shortfall in oil revenue is not to blame because the executive arm has routinely drawn on the sizeable excess crude oil savings to adequately supplement the budgets.

Yet, as can be gleaned from recent official pronouncements, with barely two months left in the current fiscal year, the list of projects lined up for the N300 billion to be injected is a fair indication that the implementation level of the 2009 budget remains low. It is pointless to itemise the missed projects. However, the aspect of the stimulus plan relating to the settling of outstanding debts owed directly and indirectly to the banking system can and should be fully carried out by all tiers of government.

Recent developments in the financial sector have shown the harmful chain of reaction that results from unpaid debts. Our national experience squelches official hopes that the proposed stimulus package would help revive the manufacturing sector and generate jobs quickly. Much of the N300 billion would end up with cronies of government functionaries and, as in the past, be deployed to hurt domestic manufacturing activity.

However, if government is genuinely desirous of improving the national economy, the official characterisation of a planned routine disbursement from the excess crude oil account as a stimulus package offers a significant starting point. In fact, all monthly allocations from the Federation Account are serial stimulus packages that, once the proceeds are disbursed as earned and properly infused into the economy, will evolve and sustain the conducive environment in which private enterprise will flourish and contribute to the very rapid growth and development of the country. For a prosperous Nigerian economy, all that is required of government is to provide the right conditions for profitable investment by the private sector. It is the precondition for the public/private sector collaborative programme of evolving a private sector-driven economy.

Death for Fake Drug Merchants?

To the extent that fake and expired drugs are responsible for the deaths of several unsuspecting consumers and the incapacitation of several others, any measure to punish the purveyors of such calamities would just be okay.
This probably informs the Director General of the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC), Dr Paul Orhii’s recent call for the imposition of the death penalty on manufacturers, importers and distributors of fake, adulterated or expired drugs.
The NAFDAC boss who argued that the existing penalty of 15 years imprisonment or N15, 000 fine is grossly inadequate for such offences, said the Agency had in fact prepared a draft bill that proposes the death penalty for onward submission to the National Assembly.
Surely, the desperation of the NAFDAC boss is understandable. The havoc wreaked daily on innocent citizens by the menace of counterfeit drugs cannot be underestimated. Although NAFDAC has in recent times made remarkable achievements in the fight against fake and expired drugs, the scourge, like many social problems in the country, has continued to show an inexplicable capacity for resistance.
This is partly due to the ‘sacredness’ of the proverbial ‘cows’ behind the manufacture, importation and distribution of these drugs of death. The battle royale between the cabals and Orhii’s predecessor, Prof Dora Akunyili, that culminated in the alleged assassination attempt on the latter is common knowledge. Such is the desperation of the fake drug cartel to sustain their morbid business. So, in a way, NAFDAC’s bid to confront a desperate situation with a desperate solution could be justified.
But we see some problems here: legal and logistic problems. How are we sure the death penalty would be an effective deterrent to fake drug crimes? The existing death penalty for crimes like armed robbery in the country has so far not been able to curb this violent crime. We note that the death penalty has hardened criminals’ resolve and make them to be even more brutal against their hapless victims.
So, we don’t think this strategy would work against fake and counterfeit drug merchants. It will not. Threats of the death penalty have not reduced kidnapping in states that have passed laws to that effect. And in any case, the death penalty is fast becoming out of fashion in most countries of the world. Even in Nigeria where it is still in vogue, the reluctance of the penal authorities to carry out the death sentence on several convicts is one of the reasons for the current congestion in the nation’s jails.
Some condemned people who have been awaiting execution for years continue to constitute a drain on the nation’s resources, a moral stain on its psyche and a strain on prison facilities.
What NAFDAC ought to do to curb the stubborn fake drug trade is to step up its monitoring and enforcement duties to ensure the quality of pharmaceutical products in the country. For this, there is a need for proper funding and better equipment of the Agency as well as improved remuneration for its personnel to discourage them from falling for the filthy baits of the criminals.
Government should also plug all avenues through which fake drugs get into the country while stepping up the pursuit of bilateral cooperation with countries from where these drugs are imported. That is why the NAFDAC boss deserves all the necessary logistics support in his bid to set up control points in China and India – two major pharmaceutical products exporting nations to Nigeria - to verify the quality of drugs headed for Nigeria.

Public Pressure on Public Officers

One distinctive feature of democracy is the right of the people to expect and demand good governance from elected officials and it is also the duty of the latter to perform creditably. In Nigeria, however, this noble relationship has for long remained misapplied and unsatisfactory.
Public expectations of office holders in the country seem to be at conflict with national aspirations. Yet both forces seem so powerful that office holders who are unable to handle them well remain ambivalent and at best inefficient.
What appears to be a clue to this sad scenario was an explanation offered the other day by the Benue State Governor, Gabriel Suswan, on a television programme. The inability of public officers to function well, according to him, is due to pressure from the public. He argued that government functionaries, as a result of the distraction, often lose concentration and divert funds meant for development to satisfy the need of individuals or groups. In other words, some public office holders have cause to be more concerned about preserving their positions through satisfying the personal needs of people than delivering the core responsibilities of government.
Although some critics have dismissed Suswan's revelation as an anticipatory defence mechanism to rationalise the looting of public treasury and underachievement that are evident in many parts of the federation, he indeed expressed an unfortunate reality. Family members, friends, communities and tribesmen, insist that the only way for a public officer to show his or her worth is to address their needs, make them richer.
However we are persuaded by trends in the country to believe that the persistent pressure on public office holders is largely a product of leadership failure. Successive governments have failed to frontally address critical issues like provision of social infrastructure and security. So, in the absence of adequate empowerment, health facilities, education, shelter and others, desperation compels the people to directly source money from persons they see as the faces of government. This option is not only beggarly but also undermines the essence of representative administration- the very soul of democratic practice.
Proper re-orientation is, no doubt, necessary at this point of national development to reverse the detestable drift. Public officers must come to terms early with the doctrine of true service. In most cases, people are reduced to beggars by twin effects of illiteracy and poverty, so prospective office holders should be determined to discharge their responsibilities effectively rather than succumb to any shaddy practices, including the so-called public blackmail.
No excuse should be made for corruption and ineptitude. This nation will fare better if persons in places of authority insist on doing the right things, and not compromise responsible and responsive governance.
Then, on their part, the people should not unwittingly provide public officers with reasons for underperformance. Poor implementation of projects and programmes is bad enough. And linking it directly to what is now being painted as the parasitic behaviour of the public makes the situation even worse. From whatever perspective it is viewed government patronage and begging are also caused by greed and selfishness without due consideration of the reality that such individuals stand to gain from the overall development of the country.
Embracing accountability and political maturity is, therefore, urgently required by public officials to wake them up to the much-needed task of ensuring that the socio-economic development of the country is the only guarantee for improved living standards of the people and, indeed, only true cure for poverty.

Not Christian, not Islamic but Nigerian

I REFER to the article by Isiaka Adams in The Guardian (August 7) which dealt with two other articles, one by Dr. Ishaq Akintola and the other by Dr. Reuben Abati, on the matter of Arabic inscriptions on our currency notes.
The articles together with the recent Boko Haram tragedy once again highlight the pathetic state of black Africans in a global cultural context as we find ourselves in dispute over foreign cultures or religions. How ironical it all is when one recalls that the people who brought us Christianity and Islam also enslaved us for centuries in the course of the slave trade!
As for the specific matter of having Arabic inscriptions on some of our currency notes one's own historical recollection is that it was the colonial authorities who introduced the Arabic inscriptions largely because literacy in Arabic in Northern Nigeria preceded the colonial era. As Isiaka Adams notes, the Arabic or Ajami, which is Hausa written in Arabic script, merely stated a currency's denomination or value in Hausa.
There was no religious message whatsoever. Indeed, among many if not most Nigerians, Arabic is virtually synonymous with Islam. Yet, Arabic preceded Islam and the Qur'an states clearly in Sura 43:3 that the message was revealed in Arabic so that Prophet Mohammed (SAW) would understand, he being an Arab. If he was a Nigerian the message would have been revealed in his Nigerian language. In much the same way, English is associated with Christianity in Nigeria simply because the Christian missionaries were mostly English-speaking as were the colonial administrators who were invariably Christians.
Let us note that having Hausa written in Arabic script meant that the only Nigerian language, major or minor, on the currency notes was Hausa. If other Nigerian languages are to be represented for 'balance' or even federal character would they be written in Arabic or English/Latin script? Let us recall that the official language of the country is English which is just as foreign as Arabic. Is it not a pity that in bickering over these foreign imports we are exposing our lack of an indigenous script or alphabet?
There is nothing intrinsically wrong with borrowing or adopting something foreign. For instance, following the Arab conquest and seven centuries occupation of Spain, the Europeans adopted Arabic numerals which had zero or cipher ('sifr' in Arabic) represented, even though they already had Roman or Latin numerals but in which zero is not represented. In the same way algebra ('al jabr' in Arabic), a branch of mathematics was adopted by Europeans.
By the way, Europeans held on to their Latin script. We black Africans would do well to be discerning and so take the best from other cultures as the CNN once advised: "Take the best from the west and leave the rest". Sadly, we appear to prefer to take the waste or worst from the west. As for our currency notes they all bear Arabic numerals which are not ever likely to be tampered with. Indeed, some of the notes still bear Ajami and no other Nigerian language.
Isiaka Adams points out that certain "Christian symbols" such as "the red cross at our hospitals" are enmeshed in our national life. Well, I would simply note that not every cross may be regarded as the Christian cross. The infamous Swastika of Nazi Germany is a form of a cross while the red cross is the Greek cross as well as being the plus sign of mathematics with its equal arms or parts. Perhaps one should refer to it as the "red plus" in order not to hurt the feelings of non-Christians. Kindly note that the letter "T" is also a cross. What may be regarded as the Christian cross is the Latin cross in which one of the four parts below the horizontal is longer than the other parts. It best represents the crucifix but without the body of Christ. As for academic and judicial robes that the writer also referred to one would find that they predated Christianity and reflect European/Roman even near-Eastern but not necessarily Christian culture just as not everything Arabic or Semitic is Islamic! The skullcap worn by the Pope and bishops of the conventional churches has its origin in the Middle East among Jews and, I daresay, Arabs who are both Semites, children of Abraham. In Nigeria we tend to equate the skullcap with Islam.
All said and done, one would appeal to Nigerians and other black Africans not to let the Semitic religions of Christianity and Islam cause bitter conflict among them. Having suffered centuries of enslavement in the slave trade era by Arabs and Europeans who brought us Islam and Christianity respectively we should not let the religions divide us. Instead, we should use the religions to teach the world peaceful coexistence, something the world desperately needs. This we can achieve by living according to the best traditions of whichever of the two religions we are born into or adopt. May we be rightly guided

Monsters in men's clothing

THE more I tried to overlook these stories because of their extraordinarily repulsive nature, the more I felt morally compelled to write about them. As I write this, I find it difficult to confront my fellow men with this question: what could drive a man to subject his own daughter to sexual abuse and to have children with her? Every time I read news reports about fathers who raped their daughters and fathered children with them, I am staggered by man's capacity to engage in the most grotesque behaviour. How much lower would some men drop before they are deemed eligible to capture the global prize for depravity?
The world has witnessed scandals of unimaginable proportions but the idea that a man would rape his daughter and father children with the same daughter stands alone as the worst form of parental abuse.
Although the world is marked by cultural differences, there are certain aspects of human behaviour that are regarded as morally unacceptable in many societies. The practice of fathers sleeping with their daughters is definitely one of them. Incest also belongs to that league. There are social, moral, religious, medical and genetic reasons why many cultures abhor these behaviours.
It may be rare in our society or indeed in Africa to find an instance in which a father has consistently abused his daughter sexually and fathered children with her. However, the absence of an example is not sufficient proof that Africa is free from such moral debauchery.
In the past 18 months, the world has been regaled in a sadistic way with disgusting tales of fathers who desecrated the innocence of their daughters. Just this week, from the Pacific nation of Papua New Guinea came the sickening report that a man who - believe it or not - "had trained to be a priest" was sent to jail for six years for sexually abusing his daughter and fathering three children with her. One of Papua New Guinea's local newspapers, The National, reported on Tuesday this week (6 October 2009) that the incestuous relationship between 49-year-old John Jack Pep and his daughter occurred between 2001 and 2007. Not only did the convicted man admit that he committed such an odious crime, it also emerged that he forced his daughter to hide the identities of their three children - two girls and a boy.
While sentencing John Jack Pep last week, Judge Regina Sagu said she would have imposed a tougher punishment but for a new law which provided for a lesser sentence. She said: "(This was) animalistic action, driven by demonic force, breaking the normal parent to child trust that rightfully exists within a family unit." The National newspaper agreed with the judge that the law needed to be amended to increase the punishment for men who sexually violate their daughters.
In an editorial entitled "Amend law to increase penalty" and published two days ago (Wednesday, 7 October 2009), the newspaper posed some soul searching questions: "How does a man become so demented that he will find his own daughter sexually desirable? How does such a man threaten his daughter with violence, rape her and make her pregnant - not once but thrice? And all this while training to become a pastor? How does he reconcile himself to his conscience and, if he really is a believer, to God?... He should have been given more than 20 years with no provision for parole on the grounds of him being a threat to society. We agree with Justice Sagu that his is an act befitting an unthinking animal. But even animals, you will note, do not directly mate with their young, so Pep has become a lower form of life."
There is a moral lesson in the story from Papua New Guinea. It is not all men who claim to be pastors who have the fear of God in their hearts. There are pretenders in white robes, operating as wolves in the day and in the night, wrecking the souls of not only their daughters but also other people's daughters and wives. There are also documented cases of pastors who were found guilty and condemned to death for killing and torturing their victims. Take, for example, the case of our very own "Rev King", who was sentenced to death by an Ikeja High Court in January 2007.
King was convicted on "five counts of attempted murder and a sixth count of murder" by Justice Olubunmi Oyewole on Thursday, 11 January 2007. According to Justice Oyewole, "the accepted evidence before the court is that the accused was angered by the supposed improper sexual relationship among the victims, upon which he assaulted them in various degrees and later decided to kill them by burning them". Rev King is still appealing that decision.
The proliferation of religious denominations, the emergence of numerous men who proclaim themselves as pastors has made it quite difficult for society to separate the criminally minded from those on a true mission for God. In Africa as in other regions, there are just too many men committing all kinds of sex and other crimes under the guise of religious duty. The fact that some of these men have not been exposed does not mean they don't exist in our own front yard.
It is not only Papua New Guinea that has been rocked by the odd news of a father who repeatedly raped his daughter. In 2008, an Austrian man named Josef Fritzl sparked international outrage when he was arrested for locking his daughter in a specially constructed windowless cellar under his house where he repeatedly raped her and fathered her seven children over a period of 24 years. Fritzl was later diagnosed with suffering from personality and sexual disorder. But what kind of lunacy would twist a man's mind so much as to induce him to imprison his own daughter for 24 years? Fritzl was jailed for life in March 2009.
Strangely, prior to his sentencing, Fritzl was bold enough to ask for leniency. He said: "I'm sorry from the bottom of my heart. Unfortunately, I can't change anything now." Fritzl's plea for forgiveness was laughable. But, you know, we must neverlaugh at a man who committed grievous crimes. How does the daughter recover 24 wasted years? Certain crimes should never be forgiven. Fritzl's crimes against his daughter (and grandchildren?) qualify as such. How do you forgive a man who, for 24 years, consistently raped, tortured, imprisoned, starved, and abused his daughter and the children he fathered? Fritzl would make a good experimental subject for forensic psychiatrists and perhaps social psychologists.
Even as the world was recovering from the shock of Fritzl's crimes, Australian media reported a similar case in which a man in his 60s has been remanded for allegedly raping his daughter and fathering four children with her for over three decades. It is one case that has shocked the larger Australian community.
From Austria to Papua New Guinea to Australia, the story is almost the same but with different degrees of repugnance. All over the world, we must examine this overarching question: Why do men - with or without disorders -- engage in such vice? What is it that stirs up the animal instincts in men and makes them powerless to control their libido?
The experiences analysed here show there are no cultural barriers to parental abuse. If it happens in western countries such as Austria and Australia, it can also happen in non-western societies such as Papua New Guinea. The challenge is for society to set up mechanisms that would serve as early warning signals so that these crimes could be detected on time before men inflict irreversible mental and psychological injuries on their daughters. There are too many monsters in men's clothing walking the streets of many countries. The best way to prevent these crimes is to find these criminals before they can claim more victims.

Their most honourable jokers

"LOOK, I think these our honourable lawmakers in Abuja are jokers."
" Easy. Easy, man... Don't allow anger to poison your soul. I have been warning you, the way you carry Nigeria on your head, worrying yourself sick about every little bit, you'd go grey before your time, and you'd be lucky not to go down with hyper-something. And the world won't end."
"It is just that some people make it difficult for you not to be angry in this country."
"So what is eating you up? "
"I have just read a story reporting that some lawmakers in the House of Representatives are pursuing a Bill which will grant lawmakers something in the nature of an immunity from criminal prosecution."
"Oh that. Don't worry yourself. It won't happen."
"The Bill has passed second reading."
"I say it won't happen. Because in that same House of Representatives, there are other lawmakers who are insisting that the law does not make sense."
"I don't want to count on that. I think we should all shoot down the Bill before it begins to develop a life of its own."
"To have any immunity from prosecution, members of the legislature would have to amend Section 308 of the Constitution. The point is that even that Section 308 which grants immunity from criminal prosecution to the President, the Vice President, Governors and Deputy Governors while they are in office is in contention. Our position is that it should be removed from the Constitution."
"Two years ago, we were told that once a President's or Governor's tenure expires, he will be up for prosecution for whatever crimes he may have committed while in office. So, how many Governors have been prosecuted? Are these not the same men who are being protected by their friends in privileged positions within the system? And now members of the House of Representatives also want immunity. The very thought of it!"
"If I may play the Devil's advocate, what the Reps are asking for is slightly different. Hon. Henry Dickson (PDP, Bayelsa) who reportedly sponsored the Bill for an Act to amend the Legislative Houses and Privileges Act, Cap L 12 2004 and for other related purposes is only asking for an expansion of privileges."
"That is..."
"The way I understand it, he is proposing that lawmakers should be treated with greater respect. If they commit any crime, law enforcement agencies should not just go and arrest them anyhow on the basis of mere allegation, except there is a warrant of arrest or if the man or woman is caught committing the crime. And in fact before any lawmaker in the National Assembly or the State Houses of Assembly can be arrested, the law enforcement agencies should first seek the permission of the leadership of the concerned House."
"€nd you say that is not a request for immunity and an abuse of privilege? Lawmakers want to usurp the powers of the police, and place themselves above the law. I say No. In fact, this is why I have always insisted that we should make our legislatures, part-time institutions, so some people don't think that they are so special. The law is no respecter of persons"
"Listen to this. The promoters of the Bill argue that the Bill will check the excesses of the security agencies"
"It will promote the excesses of lawmakers."
"Listen to what one of them said: "ìf we accept that members of the legislative Houses are honourable men and women, therefore the need for extra measures should be taken in arresting such a person."
"Well, I don't agree that all our lawmakers are honourable men and women. I don't see what is honourable about a lawmaker who slaps a security guard or his own colleague. I don't see what is honourable about lawmakers who during elections help to snatch and stuff ballot boxes. I don't consider an absentee lawmaker who is only interested in enjoying privileges honourable. These guys don't have the immunity they are asking for yet, and they are already going about telling people: Don't you know who I am? Have you forgotten how a former police chief once told us that the National Assembly is full of crooks? "
"Well some of the lawmakers disagreed, saying they don't need additional privileges as lawmakers."
"Those are the good ones. I salute them. The thing in this country is that people in positions of authority have a terrible reward mentality. They think they are superior to the rest of us. The only good thing I see in the proposal is the additional request that voting on the floor of the legislature should be recorded. I support that. We want to know the benchwarmers. And those who are are defending the people's interests. But immunity. No. If any lawmaker commits any crime, he should be subjected to the due process of the law like every other Nigerian. If he is innocent, the proper authority to determine that is the court of law, not the leadership of the Legislature. And it is also not the duty of the legislature to determine whether one of its members has a case to answer or not."
"You know when Nigeria is moving towards general elections all kind of things come up. If this Bill is allowed to pass, it means that if a lawmaker is accused of rigging or violent conduct during elections in 2010 and 2011, security agents cannot arrest him until they get clearance from the legislature."
"My take is that the proposed Bill is frivolous. Look in Italy, the Constitutional Court has just ruled that the Italian Prime Minister, Berlusconi can no longer enjoy immunity from prosecution!"
"I have told you it is all about the next elections. What do you think is happening in Anambra? It is all about the PDP wanting to win the Gubernatorial election, or to even frustrate it, so that their anointed candidate can be rigged into office. Look at what they are doing to APGA?"
"APGA's problem is not with the PDP. It is a question of internal crisis and disagreements with INEC"
"What is the difference between INEC and PDP? Can't you see the connection? Create problems in APGA, throw the party into confusion even if it means disobeying the court of law, and while APGA is fighting, smuggle the PDP into power. It is such a simple strategy. I can see through it."
"Poor Governor Obi. He had to turn into a newspaper article writer to draw attention to the conspiracy against him, against the rule of law, and against the ordinary voter in Anambra state"
"But he has been declared the APGA candidate by the Umeh faction. Although the two factions in APGA are in court."
"And you think INEC is going to wait for the courts? It has given the parties up till today to submit the names of their gubernatorial candidates."
"The same old story all over again."
"But the Ghanaian electoral chief who came to Nigeria to teach us how to conduct elections said something interesting. He says we should not blame Iwu for the problems with our electoral process. In his reckoning, there are many other factors that are responsible for electoral crisis and that other actors should be blamed."
"What do you expect him to say? Look, that line is taken straight from the pages of INEC's official report on the 2007 elections. He is telling INEC precisely what INEC would like to hear. And do you think the Ghanaian chief electoral commissioner will come to Nigeria as a guest of INEC or whoever and then condemn INEC? But we know the truth. What he is saying actually is that it is up to Nigerians to improve their electoral system. We can't quarrel with that can we?"
"To o o"
"But it is not only our elections that we need to reform, transform, change, restructure, redesign, re-focus... lend me one more word."
"It's alright. I think your point is clear."
"I watched the Nigeria-Germany match in the U-20 FIFA tournament in Egypt and I got all my answers. As a country we have lost the capacity to hold on to good things. We ruin our own chances with our attitude. We take one step forward, we take two steps backwards almost immediately. I am glad we are out of Egypt. And I won't be surprised if tomorrow our fate in the World Cup 2010 is sealed."
"We didn't deserve to win in Egypt. If we did, the Nigeria Football Federation would have gone round boasting about nothing. It is about time we realised that the world no longer respects nations that gamble, only nations that are properly organised."
"What is wrong with us?"
"You know, talking about Anambra, each time I reflect on what is going on in that state, I remember former Governor Mbadinuju who used to pray that "It shall be well with Anambra." And I ask when shall it be well with Anambra?"
"When shall it be well with Nigeria?"
"I guess when we all become militants, and we all take up grenades, mortar bombs, machine guns of NATO capacity.. did you see the list of frightening arms and ammunitions that those Niger Delta militants submitted? It is an open indictment of the Nigerian security system. Only God knows how many more of such deadly weapons are still in the unknown camps and in the hands of other militants who didn't have a chance to go to Aso Villa to wine and dine with the President ."
"ì hear the other people in the struggle are angry. They say some people have become elite militants shaking the President's hands, and have abandoned the struggle. They are determined to show that real power lies in the Niger Delta with the people. Have you not heard MEND saying it is not over?"
"But I read somewhere that Government Tompolo has now agreed to help the Federal Government protect the pipelines."
"No. The man has denied that. President Yar'çdua as part of the amnesty should have asked that man to change his name from Government to something else. We can't have two Governments in Nigeria!"
"I guess that all the arms and ammunitions that have been taken from the militants will now be handed over to our security agents and militants will now be asked to organise training for Nigerian soldiers and police men in the use of sophisticated weaponry."
"I feel like becoming a militant or a kidnapper. I hear those ones too may be granted amnesty soon. In fact, I also want immunity"
"But you know if they don't take development to the Niger Delta very quickly and address the core issues at the heart of the struggle, they are just joking. Have you read two recent books on the subject, Michael Peel's A Swamp Full of Dollars and Steve Azaiki's The Evil of Oil: Crises in the Niger Delta?
"What are they saying?"
"Look at the Governors, they think this whole thing is a joke. I understand the whole thing has been reduced to a competition: which Governor got more militants to surrender. They actually think this whole thing is a joke."
"But is it not?"

ASUU

THERE has been a series of interventions in the imbroglio between the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) but none has raised so much hope as the latest by the Governor of Edo State, Mr. Adams Oshiomhole, a veteran trade unionist and former President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC).
His intervention and the promise of renewed negotiations between the ASUU and the Federal Government raise a number of salient issues about the nature of leadership at the Federal Government level and the calibre of the President's appointed advisers. For over three months, it has been beyond the ability of the government's experts to proffer a solution to a festering problem that strikes at the very foundation of Nigeria's human resource development and capacity building mechanism. It is more worrying to realise that this has been a recurrent problem that has become over the years a typical Nigerian malaise.
It is a curious irony that earlier interventions of the Committees of Vice Chancellors (CVC), Chancellors and Pro-Chancellors, all deriving from the system, have been insufficient to enable government seize on some rare wisdom and understanding. This is apart from whatever advice professional experts would have had to offer, filtering the experience of other nations and our own past experience. Whether or not the Federal Government accepts the proposition, it has taken the intervention of Mr. Oshiomhole from outside the Federal structure, to draw government out of its shell.
In the first place, the initial decision of the Federal Government to call off the talks with ASUU was most baffling; ASUU members are not just citizens of Nigeria, but also direct custodians at a high level, of the country's capacity building process. The ASUU strike is a matter the government should not have consigned to a lackadaisical treatment given our critical need for capacity building and a first step to demonstrate that it is not just paying lip-service to Vision 20:2020 objectives.
Students in public universities have now stayed at home for a period equivalent to a whole semester. Although there is now strong hope for rapprochement between ASUU and the Federal Government, but so far all we can see is an abatement of ill-feeling between the two main parties to the dispute. The new window of opportunity offered by Governor Oshiomhole's intervention should therefore be fully explored.
Let it be clear to the Federal government what the people of this country expect from it. Their children are not supposed to come out of the universities half-baked and unemployed, as only the children of presidents, legislators, professors, businessmen and in general those who can afford overseas training cream off the good jobs, leaving those from the middle class and the poor in a lurch. Nigerians are interested in quality education for their children, and an education sector that is empowered in every respect to serve that purpose. Government should go on talking with ASUU, exploring all facets of negotiation to pull through a solution that will bring peace to our campuses, an elementary peace that is taken for granted in other countries. ASUU, on its part, must also take advantage of the resumption of negotiations to push its case without necessarily being belligerent.
It is hoped, nevertheless, that government is learning some lessons from this impasse. Less than a decade ago, this country went through a grotesque ASUU-Federal Government dispute that resulted in six months of university closure and intermittent stoppages that affected the career of students. Such incidents always ended in due course as if nothing happened and yet the effect on our educational system has been incalculably disastrous.
Government should be careful not to be seen to be obstinately insensitive to a strategic sector such as education, for, what is at stake ultimately, is the future of Nigeria.

Ambivalence over Gas Flaring

Again, the goal post for gas flaring has been shifted till December 31 next year. And Nigerians can only hope that it is the last. In the last six years, the goal post, deadline, has been shifted four times. The last shift was in December 2008 by the Yar’Adua government. Although the Senate which recently passed the Gas Flaring (Prohibition and Punishment) Bill seemed determined to ensure that the goal post does not move again, it is amazing that given the detrimental effects of gas flaring, the country has continued to tolerate the practice for this long. On all fronts, the gas flaring practice is reprehensible. Nigeria is considered the second highest offender of gas flaring. The worth of the flared gas according to the World Bank is put at $2.5 billion annually. The opportunity cost could be much higher. We are aware that the reasons for the shifting post are basically two. The defence of the oil companies and the Federal Government’s ambivalence, which must have caused a 1993 court ruling against gas flaring to be ignored. The oil companies have always argued that contrary to the belief of some people, the flares are not like candle lights that can easily be blown off. Gas is naturally produced with the crude oil, the country’s cash cow. To put good use to the flared gas it must be collected at every flowstation and exported in gas pipelines over kilometres of land and water to where it can be used. They say that unlike now when new gas production facilities have in-built technology to gather gas, most of the old facilities do not have this technology so there has to be fresh investment in gas-gathering plants. According to the oil majors, these are capital-intensive projects with long gestation period that do not only need timely funding, but uninterrupted execution. They readily point to the insecurity in the Niger Delta and its effects on project execution.But opponents to flaring have been insistent that gas flaring is injurious to human beings and the environment and the oil companies have been blamed for the continuous gas flaring in the country. They have been accused of disobeying the laws of the land just because they have the resources to pay the imposed penalty, and choosing out of selfishness, to ignore the environmental and health hazards associated with gas flaring. With growing concern for global warming, there can be no justification for gas flaring. However, as we have said before, the continuous flaring of gas is the result of the Federal Government’s indecision largely informed by the desire to eat its cake and have it. It is obvious that enforcing government’s deadline will mean oil production shut-in and oil revenue loss. And so, with dwindling oil revenue caused by a slump in oil prices and the Niger Delta, the true question to ask is whether the Federal Government, has the political will to enforce a deadline.The position of the National Assembly on this is clear on this. They have always wanted the flaring to stop. And with the bold step of legislation to walk the talk we think President Yar’ Adua should bite the bullet and save the country all the losses associated with gas flaring. One thing is sure: Government cannot eat its cake and have it. Neither can it walk both sides of the street. With growing international cooperation to stop global warming and the condemnation of practices that tend to contribute to the depletion of the ozone layer, Nigeria can only move one way – join the rest of the world.

Policing for Public Good

With a little over 377, 000 policemen, Nigeria, a nation of over 140 million people, is one of the most under-policed nations in the world. Nothing perhaps demonstrates this inadequacy more than the general atmosphere of insecurity of lives and property and the increasing wave of crime in the land in recent times. But it is one of the many ironies of our situation and inherent contradictions in our polity that almost one-third of this paltry police personnel are engaged in duties outside their regular calling, providing private security and even domestic services to few well-placed individuals while leaving the general security needs of the larger society unattended to.
It is against this bizarre background that we commend last week’s decision by the new Inspector General of Police, Mr Ogbonna Onovo to withdraw about 100, 000 policemen illegally posted to guard private individuals who are not entitled to such privileges.
In a move suggesting the dawn of anew era, Onovo, while handing down the order, gave the affected policemen seven days to return to their various service commands for retraining and reposting. The IG deplored the abuse of the services of policemen by members of the public and vowed to henceforth appropriately deploy the force’s manpower to police the general society instead of restricting them to some privileged few. This, indeed, is a commendable right step forward by the new IGP.
Onovo’s decision is also a welcome amendment of a Federal Executive Council (FEC) directive earlier in the year ordering the withdrawal of police orderlies from judges, commissioners, lawmakers and some other public office holders. Needless to say that that earlier directive, which kept silent on the fate of those attached to unauthorised individuals, mostly politicians, businessmen and even conmen, was greeted with widespread condemnation before it was eventually dropped.
Illegal posting of policemen as orderlies, guards and escorts to unauthorised citizens is an extension of our ingrained culture of impunity whereby public resources are often cornered by influential individuals for their personal convenience. Thus, in the face of general insecurity in the country, few people of means and power do not see anything wrong in beefing up their own security with some personnel from the regular police force whose full service complements are even inadequate to police the entire nation of 140 million people.
But then, the security situation in the country appears to have so far defied the heavy security deployment by even the privileged individuals, as, in most cases, the security details are often overpowered by the superior fire power of armed robbers, hired assassins, kidnappers and other hoodlums whenever they strike. Examples abound where many of these “big men”, with an array of security personnel swarming around them, have fallen victims of criminal gangs. It would appear therefore that most of those who retain the services of police orderlies do so not for any strict security reason but as an instrument to intimidate political opponents or business rivals, a duty these straying policemen appear to be well-versed in.
However, one pertinent question that must be answered by the police high command is: who authorised the posting of those policemen to those individuals in the first place? To be sure, this could be one of the pervasive underhand deals in public institutions that have continued to make our police force, in particular, the den of corruption. Therefore, it is not enough to recall those policemen on illegal duties. The police authorities should find out who sent them to their unauthorised duty posts with a view to applying appropriate sanctions for the aberration.
But more than this, the new IGP should take the issue of police welfare more seriously, as most of the personnel lured into guarding unauthorised persons went there in search of extra dough.

ASUU

In response to what the Federal Government calls the rigidity of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in the on-going nationwide strike, it has called off further negotiations with the striking lecturers. On its part, ASUU has sworn to continue its action until the government concedes more grounds and formalises their agreements. But since the destiny of Nigerian youths and integrity of university education in the country are at stake, both parties and indeed other stakeholders should urgently work towards resolving the logjam.
In taking its stand, government clung to a curious technicality, which was explained by the Chairman of the FG/ASUU Re-negotiation Committee, Mr. Gamaliel Onosode, the other day. He said: “The government team endeavoured to facilitate the conclusion of these negotiations at the strictly employer/employee level. Unfortunately, that effort has been stalled by the current strike action. We therefore cannot get to the point where the Councils can receive the documents and speedily conclude the negotiations for implementation. Consequently, the government team is not in the position to continue further negotiation with the Union until it suspends its strike action to provide an enabling environment for them”.
From the government view point, that argument is strengthened by the concessions it has reportedly made to the dons, at least, in principle: The autonomy granted to universities to appoint their own vice-chancellors, the 70 years retirement age as against the current 65 years, special monetary allocation for staff training and research, allocation of N33billion for the upgrading of six universities and also the 40 and 20 per cent salary increase for ASUU and non-academic staff respectively.
However, the lecturers claim to have enough reason for being skeptical about government’s sincerity. They cite their previous experiences on the same matters, bordering on their welfare and the restoration of the glory and quality to the education sector, particularly at the tertiary level. In 2001, government failed to execute the pact it had with ASUU. Three years later when it was due for review, it had not even been officially assented to, let alone implemented. And then, in the last days of the immediate past administration, it was re-negotiated, but it has remained unsigned.
The most unsettling episode in this government-worker melodrama took place in June 2007, one month into the present government. President Umaru Yar’Adua (also a former lecturer) called the teachers who were then on strike and persuaded them to call it off to give him a chance to tackle their grievances. They did. But in a twist, Yar’Adua declared that the face-off would only be settled by the Supreme Court. In this light, ASUU’s refusal to go back to work before concretizing its deals with government is understandable. Government’s decision to invoke the “no work, no pay” policy is, therefore, hasty. Sadly, it is not likely to work.
The right way to go now is back to the negotiation table. But in so doing, ASUU should accept the unlikelihood of achieving blanket conditions for both the federal and state universities. Reason: the two tiers of government are not only structurally unequal; their financial status is also uneven. Even individual states differ from one another in terms of revenue. So, while a mutually acceptable benchmark could be sought and agreed upon, compelling government to approve uniform remunerations would be unfair.
On a final note, government need not be reminded that in the current rating of universities worldwide, no Nigerian university is among the top 5,000. As the most important deciding factor in this critical aspect of national life, it should seize every opportunity to put education on the path of full recovery and dignity. Nigerians have suffered enough illiteracy, shame and underachievement occasioned in part by a mediocre educational system.

Swine Flu in UK: How Safe Are We?

It had seemed a far-fetched ailment, but with the recent increase in the outbreak of swine flu in many countries especially the United Kingdom, Nigeria does not seem sufficiently insulated from the malaise, what with the heavy traffic of Nigerians on the London--Nigeria route everyday. The Health ministry has begun a public education on the symptoms of the disease, but in the face of the new threat posed by the spread of the disease in UK, more concrete measures are called for. We are worried that given the huge human traffic between Lagos/Abuja and London, especially during this summer season there is a high probability that carriers of the disease from the UK can easily get into the Nigerian environment and thus begin the spread of the disease in the country. In the past two weeks, England has had 30,000 recorded cases of swine flu infection. The week before, it recorded 110,000 cases. This is no doubt frightening, especially as the disease has claimed about forty lives in both England and Scotland. About 1,126 deaths have been recorded from afflictions of the disease in some six countries like Canada, Mexico, Australia, Chile, America and Argentina. The fact that Nigerians are spread round the globe, and are highly mobile makes us particularly vulnerable. It would seem that besides the mere television enlightenment on the disease, there is no clear strategy by the government to contain the epidemic if it breaks out in Nigeria. Worse still, there is hardly any device in our entry borders to check whether or not, persons coming into the country are infected with such diseases. The nation, therefore stands a clear risk in the face of the cross-border connection between the United Kingdom and Nigeria, which is further worsened by the absence of control measures in the country. Going by past experiences and our general attitude to such matters, it has become imperative for the Federal Government to mount a more aggressive public enlightenment campaign on the disease; and to take precautionary measures to ensure that Nigeria is protected from the disease. Besides educating the people on the symptoms which are essentially sudden fever (above 38C), sudden cough, tiredness, chills, sore throat, sneezing, diarrhea, stomach upset and loss of appetite among others, it is necessary to tell which segment of Nigerians is more vulnerable to the disease – pregnant women, 65-year olds and above, and children under five years. People with chronic liver, kidney, heart and lung diseases as well as asthma patients are more vulnerable. Nigerians will also need more awareness on how to contain the disease and stop it from spreading, if we experience an outbreak. Government must also put in place measures to ensure that even when there is an outbreak, the nation is not caught napping.

The parable of the talents

THE ruling party and its sympathisers are not pleased with the frank assessment of the Nigerian situation by the American Secretary of State, Mrs. Clinton. While her presence in Nigeria was appreciated, her objective evaluation of our socio-economic and political situation is constantly irritating to the men in power here. To an average and patriotic Nigerian, it was a Daniel come to judgment. The Senate President feels that our sovereignty does not give room for unnecessary interference, that Mrs. Clinton's opinion was shaped by what opposition parties fed her with .

This recent issue and the usual comparison of our polity and fortune with Ghana's have been very unpleasant to the men of power. For instance the Minister of Defence was quoted as saying in an interaction with the press: "when you are discussing Nigeria, don't compare us with Ghana next time" because according to him "... the number of teachers that you have to pay salaries in the whole of Ghana is not more than (what you have in) (south) Western Nigeria )."

The big question is: why do our leaders manifest this attitude of looking at criticism negatively? Why not address the real issue in a very objective and rational manner? According to Shakespeare, before we know if a thing is big or small it must be in comparison. Also, the parable of the talent teaches us that it is not size but it is judicious application of resources available to one that he is judged. To whom much is given much is expected. A popular African proverb has it too that you don't flog a child and stop him from crying.

The tone of the American secretary of state in her town hall meeting was a deviation from what the Government is used to. Rather than eulogising the government that has been spreading poverty, she went straight to the point, to the heart and root cause of our woes. We are an independent nation no doubt. The Senate President and other Nigerians will not want anybody or anything to erode our sovereignty. But the issue is that, there is nothing in what was said during Mrs. Clinton's visit that attempted to do this. If independence and sovereignty mean the entire world closing its eyes while a few people subject the entire nation to unparalleled and unwarranted suffering, then there should be a better definition of sovereignty. It is a big irony that we look and yawn for aid, both economic and otherwise, from the western world and yet when they point out where we are going wrong that it is seen as meddlesomeness.

There is little doubt now that the world has dissolved into a global village and without the constant intervention and watchdog role of the western powers, a few powerful people in developing regions like Africa will subject the weak and the helpless to abject poverty and hardship. We want more of this type of foreign visits and bashing. The scenario is becoming very interesting. It is dubious and a disservice to humanity for the Western world to be silent in the face of the unbridled modern slavery that has crept into Africa in the name of government.

Leadership in this part of the world seems to be so intolerant of alternative views. Can this be seen as a feature of underdevelopment? Nigeria is the easiest place to rule on earth. We are so resilient and complacent. We make noise, shout, condemn government policy, outcomes of fraudulent elections. After that what happens? The whole noise dies down and life continues as if nothing has happened. Apart from a pocket of religious violence and the recent developments in Niger delta, Nigerians tolerate their leaders a lot no matter the way they are insulted.

There is nothing new as a matter of fact in what Mrs. Clinton said. The worry now is the source it came from. It is a common knowledge that a government is accountable to the people and promotes public good rather than personal aggrandisement. Do we have that kind of Government in place here? The answer is known, even to a most undiscerning mind. If we are victims of natural disaster or economic meltdown we can endure, hoping that what has a beginning will have an end . But the sad reality about us is that we have been exposed to this harsh reality for decades now with no signs of end in sight. It is the same story: promises to solve problem of water, energy, health, education, roads. At the end of each year, each dispensation, nothing changes. Should we be clapping at this development?

We have had a PDP government in control of the three arms of government for over 10 years now. This period of 10 years is enough to solve our basic problems and give us a good foundation to move ahead; but everything seems to be in disarray as we are beginners. We cannot be celebrating this ineptitude in governance. Even if the men in power decide to turn a deaf ear, it is necessary that all Nigerians and those who wish the country well raise their voices of disapproval to a bad experiment and deliberate abuse of a people's destiny. At least it will be on record that there were vocal voices when our nation was being raped.

It has been said for the umpteenth time that this is a rich country with poor people. This is a great fallacy. But mind you, the poverty in the land is class-structured. The powerful and those close to them are alien to the sufferings in the land. In fact it gives them sadistic joy to see millions of people who languish in poverty. It is an exercise in self-deception to hide under our 'large population' as the reason for the non-promotion of public good. Population has its problems, but if it is properly managed it is an asset in the evolution of any nation. If the interest of our leaders is in governance in the true sense of the word, they should learn to keep pride away, and learn from harmless and free advice given to them.

Senate and post-UME examinations

NOT satisfied with the conduct of the post-University Matriculation Examinations (UME) by Nigerian universities, the Senate recently initiated moves to enact appropriate legislation that would remove what it called the obstacles hampering the proper conduct of university entrance examination by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). This once again brings to the fore the debate over who should conduct entrance examinations into the universities.

Senator Heineken Lokpobiri (Bayelsa State), and five others reportedly sponsored a motion which, among other things, seeks to mandate the Senate committee on education to undertake a comprehensive investigation into the causes of the failure of JAMB to conduct sufficiently creditable examination acceptable to the universities. It also seeks to condemn the failure of JAMB to carry out its statutory responsibilities; condemn the illegal activities of our universities in conducting pre-admission tests; mandate the Minister of Education to direct the universities to stop forthwith the illegal post-UME tests and empower JAMB to conduct matriculation examinations into the universities, polytechnics and colleges of education.

Going by the prayers being sought by the lawmakers, it is obvious that the Senate is condemning the post-UME tests while at the same time seeking ways to strengthen JAMB. It has also gone a step further to describe the pre-admission tests as illegal. But it is not clear what the role of the Senate is in this matter. The question to ask is whether or not the universities have the right to admit their own students? Don't the universities under the laws establishing them have the statutory right to admit students they deem qualified? Does the Senate have the power to issue directives against the conduct of post-UME? We think that the Senate is delving into what it can't properly handle. The National Universities Commission (NUC) and the Ministry of Education, among other stakeholders are in a better position to address this matter.

The Senate seems to have left the real issues that should attract its attention to waste energy on other matters. The universities, for instance, need to be adequately funded to enable them rehabilitate their decrepit infrastructures and facilities. After that, they would be able to admit more students than they are currently doing. Poor funding is a critical issue that the lawmakers should address when considering appropriation bills. Except something is done in this regard, the reality on ground at the moment favours the conduct of post-UME.

The root of JAMB's problem is that it is dealing with a large number of applications it is unable to cope with because the vacancies in the universities are limited. Faced with this situation, students and their parents see the examination as a do-or-die affair which leads to graft and compromise. This was not the case when JAMB was established in 1978 with 13 universities and a manageable number of candidates.

The JAMB Act spells out its duties and functions in the area of admission of candidates into available spaces in the universities. It is the failure or inability of the board to conduct hitch-free and credible examinations that led to the introduction of post-UME. Therefore, rather than blame the universities for the untoward consequences of this development, it is JAMB that should be blamed.

The post-UME is a child of necessity. Except and until JAMB is able to deliver credible entrance examinations, the univerisities will feel obliged to continue to administer the post-UME. In that case, if it is established that JAMB is no longer able to perform its statutory duties, it should be scrapped and the universities allowed to admit their own candidates directly. That would reduce cost and save students and their parents the trauma of having to go through admission examinations twice.

But why is it so difficult to establish a workable admission framework for our educational institutions? Why is the country still battling with basic issues like funding and admission into the schools? These are fundamental questions that border on systemic failure. The truth is that the universities are being systematically downgraded. The quality of students admitted through the flawed process is low. Academic standards have been compromised. Most products of the universities are therefore substandard. It the end, the nation is short-changed, and the Senate ought to be more concerned about this bigger challenge.

Crooks of the creeks

SHELL, Chevron, Agip, ExxonMobil, Totalfinaelf, Schlumberger, Halliburton, etc (hereinafter called Big Oil) have won again. Has anyone noticed how the Niger Delta uprising is now about government vs militants, south vs north, Yoruba vs Ijaw and no longer about Big Oil? Did anyone ask why the government's amnesty without armistice was 60 days long? Before the end of that period, the government would create another mouth-watering distraction just like in the mid-80s: it was education, health, housing, food for all by the year 2000. As year 2000 approached, they changed it to Vision 2012. Now it is 2020.

As 2020 approaches, they will change it to 2050. Yet they never postpone treasury looting. During that 60-day distraction, Big Oil would have squirreled away another N2 trillion worth of oil from the Niger Delta. What is at work is a sinister combination of delay tactics and divide and rule. When the Sierra Leonean civil war was raging on, there was no day the multinationals stopped mining the diamonds. In Angola during their civil war, there was no day Big Oil stopped exploration. Ditto for the current Congo war. Not a single day passed that the multinationals did not meet their quota. Yet all these resources were the reasons for the wars. If Nigeria, heavens forbid, explodes into a civil war situation, Big Oil will continue to siphon oil while nearby, we go on killing ourselves. It is already happening. Big Oil has experienced crooks and experts on its payroll. They are pulling the strings and as unthinking puppets, we are dancing.

Hence, before it becomes about increase in derivation percentage, or actualisation of the Willinks Commission or Kaiama Declaration or the Minority Report, any Niger Delta insurrection that does not begin as an immediate stoppage of all oil exploration is both unserious and a complete waste of time. Of what use is an uprising when business continues as usual? Of what use is much heat and no light? With all the heat generated by the Niger Delta since Saro Wiwa, what steps have been taken to make Big Oil responsible to the environment? It is not about giving handouts to the people or token posts or NDDC or Ministry of Environment, it is primarily about making oil exploration compatible with environmental health and safety laws. The issue of fiscal federalism or revenue sharing only comes later, and that has nothing to do with Big Oil. It is our family affair. The debate over that should be for later not now lest Big Oil uses it to divide us and distract from its own responsibilities to the environment.

That in serious nations, Big Oil cannot get away with its shoddy practices only shows that Abuja is our problem. The privatisation of national interests and nationalisation of private interests that have been our doctrine of corruption since independence gave Big Oil licence to impose its unedited vileness on the Niger Delta. For instance what is the meaning of these terms Abuja uses to entice foreign oil investors: '...enjoy a substantial rebate - in the form of reduced government take - based on a memorandum of understanding (MOU), Operators obtain a "minimum guaranteed notional margin" once they kept "technical cost" within a certain range. The cost of clearing of oil spillage or stopping gas flaring stretch this technical cost so no substantial rebate. Therefore? The fate of men and women of the Delta has been auctioned off with impunity in these NNPC business terms.

And yet this logic of Thatcherism and Reaganomics is what led to the credit crunch: The idea that there is too much regulation that gets in the way of profit margins. If government wants to get more revenue, it must give big businesses and rich people more concessions, more tax credits, more rebates so they will get more money to expand their business and ordinary people would have more employment opportunities and the wealth of the rich would trickle down to the common man. Sounds logical but it was greed speaking.

With a weak government influence, the logic led to anything goes culture. It caused the global recession that had ruined families from Berlin to Benin, Moscow to Mokola, Kaiama to Cayman Islands. As Obama is cleaning up the house, stretching the government influence and imposing more regulations on the so-called untouchable business titans and big corporations, so should Abuja. Get Big Oil together to commit to another Memorandum of Understanding that includes respect for the people, the lands, air and water of the Niger Delta.

Warren Buffet said as the world richest man last year he was paying a tax of 17 per cent while his secretary whom he shares his office with was paying 30 per cent tax to the same government. What that means is that over the years of Reaganomics, the poor and the middle class every week have been sending a large portion of their earnings legitimately through the government to make the rich get richer. Likewise, it is against morality, civilisation and all rules of decency that the place that provides 80 per cent of our GDP, 90 per cent of national budget and 95 per cent of foreign exchange earnings is entitled to 13 per cent in return from the nation's treasury. When we have shown Niger Delta such a blatant disrespect, why would Big Oil not follow suit with a mania for ecological destruction? Yes in a federation we should help the states weak in resources to develop, but this does not mean we should reward laziness.

Big Oil in its own eyes could be kind. But to us its kindness is always a sinister machine that grinds down a thousand destinies for every lucky individual it rewards. They advertise scholarships, maternity wards, tap water as fulfilment of corporate social responsibility. But CSR like charity is not an obligation; you do it on your own terms since it is voluntary. Yet what is needed is a mandatory requirement of justice and fairness to the host communities and to the environment not token infrastructures, scholarships, or employment quotas they parade on the media as 'helping' the community. It is not only offensive but also very dubious to convert responsibilities and obligations to acts of charity.

Not faith but hope is the opium of the people. In spite of the comprehensive pain in every corner of the nation, Nigerians have a hope that is unparalleled in history. It is either a miracle of oppression or an abuse of pain. Certainly, Abuja's trick of postponement is effectively at work. Whereas pains suppose to make the people develop sufficient rage against an oppressive system. The government does not fear us and we do not present ourselves as "fearable". So they turned us into foot mat to step in and out of the corridors of power and corruption. At last, the lords of the creeks have decided to show us the way to self-determination. We should raise our voices with them in solidarity. There is no challenge too great if we all stand together as one. Only that violence is very abhorrent. And there is already a misplaced confidence in its wanton use. At this stage, we need more brains not more violence as the sole motivation

Cory Aquino: Angel of democracy

THE death of Mrs. Cory Aquino on August 1, 2009, Mother of the Yellow revolution brought back beautiful memories to me. In 2002, I visited Manila and had the rare privilege of being invited to dinner at the Malacanga Palace with President Gloria Arroyo. As the gates of the Palace flung open to receive us, I whispered to our hostess who had arranged the dinner: Gosh, I wished that I had come here while Mrs. Cory Aquino was in power. Without looking at me, she said: If you were not a priest, I would have thrown you out of this vehicle. We all laughed. Dinner with Mrs. Arroyo was great, but truly, my heart was elsewhere.

To me, after Mother Theresa, Cory was one of the most special women I admired. Her death therefore marks the beginning of the end of the era of the great icons of democracy in the last century. Although in a different context, she did for democracy and freedom in Asia what Mr. Mandela has done for us in Africa. She has secured a special place in the pantheons of the greats. She definitely deserves the medal for being the Queen of Democracy along with her 24 international awards and 14 honorary doctorate degrees she garnered from around the world while in power. Sadly, in 1986, she lost the Nobel Prize for Peace to Mr..Elie Wiesel, of the Holocaust fame.

Like other women around the world, she sprung to prominence from the shadows of her husband, Mr. Benigno Ninoy Aquino whose brutal assassination provided the spark for her ascent. In her six years in power (1986-92) she brought courage, glamour, integrity to both Democracy and Womanhood. She was catapulted into power with almost no previous experience or preparations. Her husband had fled to the United States after he and others had been sentenced to death in the wake of the proclamation of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos. During her husband's exile, she went to mass every day, prayed three decades of the rosary daily and fasted. While his exile lasted, she banned her children from attending parties, going to the salon or buying new clothes. Little wonder, her life was shrouded in such miracles.

It is important to recall some of the events and the forces that shaped her political profile and how these helped to change the story of Democracy in many parts of the world. The most significant force in the transformation of the Philippines of course was the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church, traditionally seen as a conservative voice in the area of social change became the force for the radicalisation of politics in the Philippines. The nature of these forces is complex, but they are worthy of just a mention.

Mr. Aquino, a very popular politician and part of the Philippino elite had been in self exile in the United States for three years. He decided to end his exile and return home in 1983. However, it seemed that the government had planned to welcome him with a casket. On August 21, 1983, he was shot dead as he alighted from the plane at the Manila International Airport. By this action, the Marcos government set in motion a constellation of events which would later consume him and change the course of history and politics in the Philippines

It is important however to note that the Catholic Church was only one out of six main power blocks in the Philippines. The others were: the Marcos regime itself (made up of the Executive, Legislative, Judiciary and Bureaucracy) the Military, Protestant Churches, the Evangelical Churches, and the Communist Party. Although the Marcos regime was firmly in power, like all dictatorships, it sustained itself by playing one group in the opposition against the others. The death of Ninoy Aquino offered the Catholic Church the opportunity to step forward, take control of the cockpit of power and safely landed their nation on Democracy's run way.

The role of the Catholic Church in the revolution demonstrated two things. First, that when injustice has become pervasive, it normally carries the seeds of its own destruction within its own womb. Secondly, that with the right leadership, contrived differences can be overcome and genuine change can unite people across every divide. The challenge often is how a nation can find its niche when fate throws up time, moment and events.

When Marcos sensed that the ground was moving from his feet, he decided to call what has come to be known as the snap elections. All he wanted to do was to catch the opposition off guard. In the face of growing and crippling inequalities, landlessness and poverty, some Catholic priests and nuns became radicalised and very sympathetic to the cause of the Communist party and the left. The pressure from them and other social forces within the country compelled the leadership of the Church led by Cardinal Jaime Sin to shift ground and move quickly to the centre. Rallying the Catholics and a wide range of supporters across the board, a new strategy of communications was adopted. It proved to be very effective as a rallying point.

The first tool Radio Veritas which had merely been a spiritual voice for the Catholic Community mutated into a political weapon for rallying the people. The second strategy was the adoption of the writing of Pastoral Letters which, though addressed to the Catholic Community, spoke to most citizens. Two months to the snap elections, the Catholic Bishops issued three Pastoral Letters. The first was Message to the People of God issued on December 28th, 1985. In it, they told Christians that religion and politics were not opposed to one another and that voting was a Christian duty. On January 19, 1986, a second Pastoral Letter insisted that all citizens must ensure that the elections did not become a national scandal.

Barely one month later, on January 25t, they issued the final letter, We must Obey God Rather than Men. Mrs. Aquino, sending that this was the death knell of the Marcos regime, nailed her colours on the mast provided by the Church. In a speech on February 5th, two days to the elections, she said: We cannot win this election without God's help. I have no cheating experience. I have no salvaging experience. I have no experience in arresting and terrorizing people...We have our people's overwhelming support. Prayer is all we need right now.

When Marcos was declared winner of the elections, the Catholic Bishops responded by issuing what they called a Post Election Statement in which they declared that the elections recorded an unparalleled fraudulence. Cardinal Sin would from here, rally a broad spectrum of Philippinos across all religious, ideological or class lines. Thus was the candle of People Power lit. After four nights and three days of non stop prayer and peaceful protest, Mr. Marcos was ferried off to Hawaii on exile and Mrs. Aquino installed President. In her first year in office, she fought off 8 military attempts to overthrow her. By sheer moral force, she lit a flame that did finally cast off the darkness of ideology and inspired the world to the barricades of democracy. Thus, from Warsaw to South Africa leading this flame finally led to the overthrow of apartheid and Communism. Thus, Peoples power became the rallying cry for victims of dictatorship all over the world. This is why, the world will not be the same again because of her contributions. May her flame never go out.

Financial mess

Financial mess
•How Nigeria was looted blind
•N17tr stolen in one year


Recently, the Director of United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC), Tim Daniel, revealed that Nigeria loses $110 billion annually to treasury looting. According to him, the country cannot boast of tremendous development because of the large amount of money being siphoned out of government and taken outside the country.

findings reveal that Daniel hit the bull in the eye. Every ministry, government’s agency and parastatal corporation have been discovered to be involved in the looting spree. Indeed, during her first anniversary as Chairman of Economic Finance and Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mrs. Farida Waziri noted that former governors, ministers and members of parliament alone have stolen N285billion in this political dispensation.

With this and other reported cases of corruption Transparency International cannot therefore be faulted in its position that corruption is high in Nigeria.

It would be recalled that one of the reasons the military sacked the civilian government of Shehu Shagari on December 31, 1983 was corruption. Corruption still continues. When what happened then is compared to the looting in the last 10 years, the former pales into insignificance. When the country started another journey in democracy, led by Olusegun Obasanjo, a probe was instituted against the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha, which led to the discovery that the former military junta sole $3billion from the country’s treasurer.

The uproar this generated and the recrimination it attracted to the Abacha family did not deter others from helping themselves from the treasury, whether it is national, state or local government levels.
on daily basis political office holders’ siphoned money, through various means, from the treasury. Recently, the National Coordinator, Nigeria Network on Stolen Assets, Rev. David Ugolor, revealed that the N65billion looted by Abacha, which had been returned, had been mismanaged. According to him, from evidence the Federal Government, under Obasanjo, disbursed the funds and could not provide evidence of transparent disbursement. The same fate greeted the N16billion recovered from Tafa Balogun, which was said to be missing and no record to trace it.

When Obasanjo assumed office in 1999, he adorned the messiah toga. In fighting corruption, he set up the EFCC, with Nuhu Ribadu as its chairman. The anti-graft agency started blowing hot until it turned out to be a tool for hounding perceived or real enemies of the president. Ribadu, while appearing before the Senate in 2007, told the bewildered nation that the agency had investigated then serving governors and that 31 out of the 36 of them had been found to have allegedly looted the treasury of their respected states and would be prosecuted as soon as their immunity expired.

Curiously, when the tenure of these governors ended, only six of them who were said not to be in the good books of Obasanjo were taken to court by the agency. Not much was known about the extent of looting of the national treasury until the National Assembly started probing various agencies, ministries and parastatals. The figures coming out from some of the probes that represent what have been looted are frightening. It was from the probes that Nigerian realised why the problem of the energy sector had defied solution and why the country has been in perpetual darkness. Over $16 billion, said to have spent by Obasanjo’s government to find solution to the perennial darkness, went into private pockets.

The usual Nigeria’s conundrum was introduced in the probe, which made the report to be confined to the trash bin. The hunter later turned the hunted. Ndudi Elumelu, the head of the probe committee, is now facing trial with four others for alleged perpetration of monumental fraud of N5.2b.Those involved are Chairman, Senate Committee on Power; Senator Nicholas Ugbare, his House of Representatives counterpart, Ndudi Elumelu; Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Power, Dr. Abdulahi Aliyu and Managing Director of Rural Electrification Agency, Samuel Gekpe.

Another sleaze at Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) involved N3billion alleged stolen by the suspended Chairman of the agency, Dr. Ransome Owan and six commissioners. They are currently facing trial on 197-count at an Abuja High Court. Of this amount, N77million was said to have been spent on overseas frolicking and cost of living allowances.

Yet another case of looting is in educational sector, while the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) is lamenting the high level of adult illiteracy in Nigeria, the literacy commission boss was involved in N271m fraud, which is part of the amount meant to reduce the illiteracy rate in the country. According to latest report of UNESCO, Nigeria is classified as one of the countries at a serious risk of not attaining the Education for All (EFA) goal by 2015. The report claimed that there are about 60 million adult illiterates and 11 million out-of-school children in Nigeria. It rated Nigeria as one of the most illiterate in the world. In the face of this negative index, the Executive Secretary of the National Commission for Adult Education, Mass Literacy and Non-Formal Education, Dr. Dayo Olagunju and 19 officers of the commission are being prosecuted for the alleged fraud.

The Director of the Universal Basic Education Commission, Prof. Bridget Sokan and three top officers are also facing trial over N78million loot. Also, while the universities are crying of under-funding and lecturers on strike, the Vice Chancellor of Imo State University, Prof. I. C. Okonkwo, has been arrested in connection with N70million fraud. When his house was searched, the sum of N4.5million cash, $11, 200 and 700 Euros were found in his apartment in Owerri.

Former Minister of Aviation, Prof. Babalola Borishade, NAMA’s former Managing Director, Roland Iyayi and two others were fingered in N19billion loot. They are facing criminal charges in court.
The football house is not left out. It was recently reported that $236, 000 was stolen from coffers of Nigerian Football Federation. Funny enough, the National Sports Commission, the supervising agency inaugurated committee to trace the money. The committee, after collecting sitting allowance, did not come up with any finding.

The National Film Corporation has its pie in the shame, as its Managing Director, Afolabi Adesanya and four directors were recently arrested for allegedly sharing of N11.8m belonging to the agency.
The Trans National Corporation (TRANCOP) is also in the news as it relates to corruption. Its Group Managing Director, Thomas Isegoli, is in the net of EFCC for fraud. The amount involved is more than N15billion. He is being held with the company’s Secretary, Mohammed Buba and another official, Mike Okoli.

The GMD is said to have, in connivance with other staff, severally abused the N100million approval limit given to him by the Board of TRANSCORP. He allegedly used organisations owned by his friends and associates to siphon money through bogus and overlapping consultancy projects, contracts and services.
The Chairman, Federal Character Commission, Prof. Oba Shuaibu Abdulraheem, was last September accused of involvement in N262million scam. A petition on this issue was sent to President Umar Yar’Adua and Code of Conduct Bureau. Chief Bode George and others are also facing charges over scam in the Nigeria Ports authority. Former Senate President, Adolphs Nwagbara with Prof. Ebere Osuji, former education minister and others are also facing corruption charges, likewise serving Senator Iyabo Obasanjo and Prof Adenike Grange, who are alleged to have corruptly enriched themselves to the tune of N300million.

At the peak of the Obasanjo campaign for the cancellation of Nigeria’s foreign debt, United Kingdom Minister for Africa, Mr. Chris Mullin disclosed, on February 2005, that about N315.5billion of Nigeria’s looted funds were frozen in various British banks. He had said that Nigeria’s quest for debt cancellation would be a mirage if corruption and looting of the treasure persisted in the country. From reports, Nigeria’s stolen money kept in foreign accounts in 1999 increased from $50billion to $170billion in 2003. This was buttressed in the June 2006 edition of The Africa Report by the former Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Mr. Raymond Baker, who had estimated stolen money from Nigeria and stashed away in foreign banks to be about $100b.

Baker, who put the total value of “dirty money” laundered globally at $500million per annum, also noted that about 50 percent of these funds, which come from developing economies end up in US dollar dominated accounts.

the sum of N53.3billion owed failed banks in the country and now considered bad debts came about as a result of insider abuse or outright stealing by officials of those banks. Before the collapsed of these banks, some of them went to the Nigerian Stock Exchange to raise funds to assist them come out of the woods. This ended with much of the funds being diverted to other uses by the unscrupulous officials of the banks.

Of all these funds stashed away in foreign banks, in 2006, the then Attorney General of the Federation declared that the Federal Government could only recover $1billion.

Vision 2020: Let’s walk the talk

The plan by the Federal Government to release fresh rules on Vision 2020 appears worthy and commendable.
This, in real terms, means that government’s desire to make Nigeria one of the 20 frontline economies in the world 11 years from now would not be a vacuous dream.

Minister of National Planning, Dr Shamsudeen Usman, who announced government’s plan for fresh rules for Vision 2020 at a recent breakfast meeting with media chief executives in Abuja, said part of the new plan would be to work with the National Assembly to set up what he called a “binding legislation on Vision 2020.”
This suggests perhaps that hitherto, government had not taken the national legislature into confidence in the policy framework that will fast-track the economic development plans of the country.

Only recently, Dr Usman admitted publicly that government doesn’t have a realistic blueprint yet on Vision 2020. He said that this could come out not earlier than October this year. And in his meeting with the media chiefs, the minister maintained that previous development plans failed because of the absence of a clear-cut implementation framework.

While accusing former President Olusegun Obasanjo of being the brain behind the failure of Vision 2010, the precursor of the current Vision 20-2020, Dr Usman noted that the way forward will be thorough implementation strategies that will reflect in annual budgets, and their enforcement through proper legislation that would be binding on successive governments in the country.

We share the concerns of the government as expressed through the Minister of National Planning. The truth, however, is that this government appears not genuinely convinced of its own programme of action for realizing this vision. Nigeria is neither lacking in intellectual ideas, nor the roadmap on any policy measure that can propel economic development of our country. What is annoyingly lacking is the political will.

In just under six months this year, the Federal Government has inaugurated over six different committees on Vision 2020. These include the Business Support Group which is tasked with articulating and developing a long term strategic plan, the National Council on Nigerian Economy, and the National Steering Committee on Vision 2020.

Only recently, government set up a 25-member Macroeconomic Framework Working Committee to review the draft macroeconomic groundwork of the economic as well as Nigeria’s historic performance and identify the constraints to growth.

Clearly, and indisputably, visioning is not new with our governments. Indeed, it has become a sort of mantra for successive administrations in Nigeria. But few, if any at all of the plans, have gone beyond the drawing board. The damper on these economic blueprints is that they are stymied by lack of political will and commitment.

It is heartwarming, however, that government is planning to retool the rules and design a comprehensive legislation that will be binding on successive governments. This is the case in countries such as Argentina, Brazil, India, Malaysia and Singapore where visioning is known to have succeeded.
Realistic vision must say something that clarifies the direction in which the government wants to take the country and its people. This can only be achieved through concrete action plan. So far, there is a contradiction between government plans and the strategies that can propel such plans.

For instance, no economic visioning will succeed in the absence of steady power supply and adequate infrastructure such as good road network, healthcare system and security, among others.
All in all, words alone are not enough to move a vision forward. Action, real action, is the answer. Now is the time to walk the talk on Vision 2020.

Wanted: Transformative leadership

It is good that most Nigerians are eager to see their country on the path to meaningful development after decades of missed opportunities. Statistics from international development organisations about the country’s development status are dispiriting enough. Out of the over 140 million citizens, 70 per cent live on less than two dollars daily, according to the development agencies, which also say that 66 per cent of our people have no jobs.

The situation may have been exacerbated by the global economic crisis and the Niger Delta crisis which has seen daily oil export decline from 2.5m barrels to 1.6m barrels. The failure to meet oil production targets is one of the critical factors affecting this year’s budget performance.

Still, we are optimistic. President Umaru Yar’Adua, for instance, is proceeding with his Vision 20:20:20. He hopes by the year 2020, Nigeria will be among the 20 largest economies in the world. This is a lofty ambition, indeed. But as everyone knows, there is no way Vision 20:20:20 can be realized without the states and local governments buying into them. By buying into this vision, one is not talking of their official declarations of support, but taking concrete and far-reaching steps to modernize their economies and governance systems generally.

The reality, however, appears different. I have in the last few years been touring various parts of the country in search of like-minds to form a coalition to transform governance at every level in Nigeria, rather than just the federal administration. The country is in desperate need of a paradigm shift. What many people expect from the government is the routine, namely, provision of basic infrastructure like roads and payment of workers’ salaries.

This is nothing other than business. The country cannot develop, let alone join the club of the world’s largest 20 economies by 2020, if intellectuals, professionals and others who should know better ask the government to merely concentrate on the routine in the 21st Century. To make the kind of stupendous progress that will see become a large economy in the next 13 years, it means that we all must leapfrog, that is, more than double our present growth rate of about mere 5% of the Gross Domestic Product.

Countries like Malaysia, Brazil, Thailand and China did not make it by merely providing basic infrastructure and paying salaries of civil servants. Theses countries began by recruiting transformative leaders. Transformative leaders are leaders who are dissatisfied with the status quo, they do not want business as usual in the governance of their societies. They are imbued with the right vision for the transformation of their countries and consequently work towards the realization of the dream. They are also imbued with well above average intelligence, or what the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo called mental magnitude.

Their love of their nations is, of course, well known. Transformative leaders draw up a roadmap on coming to office and prosecute the war of transformation with all resources and talent at their disposal. From time to time, they review their performance, find out where they have gone wrong, make necessary adjustments and continue with the religious implementation of their development agendas. Besides, such leaders always have self-pride. They believe that if some countries could get it right, there is no compelling reason why their societies could not make it also.

It may well be pointed out that it is not only Asian nations and territories that have stunned the world with stupendous development in recent times. In South America, there are the examples of Chile and Brazil. Chile was another hopeless Third World nation up to the 1970s. General Augustino Pinochet altered its development trajectory from 1973 with his economists from the University of Chicago.

His human rights record is nasty, but Pincohet did develop Chile, making it the third largest economy in South America. Despite years of military rule, Brazil is today a very important manufacturing economy. It is the fourth largest aircraft manufacturer in the world, and most of the luxury buses in Nigeria are from there. Even in sub Sahara Africa, there are the success stories of Namibia, Botswana, Ghana, and, of course, South Africa.

Whipping skirts and the fraternity of the boys

I HAVE never wanted to be a man, I cannot imagine stuffing myself into a pair of trousers every day of my life but I am sure there are men out there who will equally shudder at the thought of being transformed overnight into a woman by a fairy godmother gone berserk or the witch from their village. Yet for some reason men fascinate me. I watch them go from a dawdling clumsy childhood marked with big knobby knees to a swash buckling adulthood characterised by premier league matches and beer-guzzling meetings. I am intrigued by the male of our species, I really am.
During my university days, I began to notice the wide difference between the two sexes. We ladies could squabble over the most insignificant things and keep long faces with each other for weeks, months and even years. We exchanged words over trivial things refusing to make amends with each other, afraid of looking weak. But the men? They made up and shook hands even if the whole fracas was over a girl. Charming!!! They bonded, laughed and patted each other on the backs while we snickered, hissed and involved our pretty selves in a heavy dose of back biting. I doff my hat to them for this ability to overlook trivial issues and forge a closer bond.
One thing though, are we seeing a largely themed male against the female philosophy sink its tentacles deep into the fabric of the society as a result of this chummy camaraderie our menfolk so obviously enjoy? I hope not. Every time I watch news about the Nigerian Senate, I realised that I was still staring at those young university course mates and their back slapping attitude. The Senate is a chamber of the Nigerian parliament called the National Assembly, it has a related chamber called the House of Representatives. It is bicameral in structure and currently houses 109 members. However in this hallowed legislative arm of the Nigerian government, it is very interesting that out of 109 members, only nine are women. Very interesting! Why should the number of female senators be at a dismal number of nine despite the advancement of today's civilisation and the generally touted success of women in politics? I beg for an answer just as desperately as I seek to understand the low tolerance and participation of the female senators in the National Assembly. The fraternity of the boys has won again and the women continue to stand at different poles of contending principles.
According to the June 26, 2009 edition of the Business day, the upper chamber, on return to democracy in 1999 considered and passed five bills, while 16 bills were passed in 2001._ It also considered and passed 22 bills in 2002 and 21 bills in 2003. At the end of the legislative session in 2003, the Senate passed 70 bills, out of which 36 were private, 33 executive and one from the House of Representatives. Between 2003 and 2007, following the inauguration of the National Assembly, the Senate considered and passed 106 bills, out of which 66 were executive bills, nine from members of the public, and four from the House of the Representatives._ Six of the bills were passed in 2003, while 35 were passed at the end of the 2004 legislative calendar._
The Senate also considered and passed 25 bills in 2005 and 40 in 2006, which represents the highest number of bills since the return of democracy in the country._ The country recorded a milestone in 2007 with the successful transition from a democratically elected government to another, which ushered in the sixth Senate, with the inauguration of the National Assembly by President Umaru Yar'Adua on June 5._ The upper chamber passed only eight bills during its first session, beginning from June 5, 2007 to June 2008, and has so far passed 15 bills from June to date._ Of the eight bills, five were executive and three were private members' bills, while nine executive and six private members' bills were passed from June 2008 to date.
From the above analysis, it would seem that the Senate has been very busy yet when you look closely you realise that despite the number of bills passed, very few were sponsored by women. However with the likes of Joy Emodi, a lawyer by profession representing Anambra North senatorial zone who is the chairman of the Senate committee on education and a member of four other committees and has sponsored bills and motions such as the National Ethics Curriculum Bill 2008 and the Bill for an Act to make for the establishment of National Institute for Education Planning and Administration (NIEPA), which has already gone through second reading, I hope that female senators will wake up and become serious about pursuing and sponsoring realistic bills. The case of Senator Eme Ufot Ekaette who proposed the dress code bill is a regrettable case of misrepresentation. The distinguished Senator must have forgotten that she was representing a constituency with probably more pressing needs for infrastructural development when she enveloped herself with the desire to make Nigerians adopt a common dress code.
When will we see more bills sponsored by the charming ladies of the upper chamber of the National Assembly? When will women actively participate in the sponsoring of bills without suffering the pitfalls of badly thought out projects? Somehow it seems women in the Senate are content to hide in the background, only coming out to sing discordant tunes which have no relation to the reality of the Nigerian society save of course a FEW stalwart female senators.
When Senator Patricia Etteh, the Speaker of the House from June till October 2007, was indicted and challenged by the opposition of the house because of the award of N628 million contracts for the renovation of her official residences and that of her deputy, Alhaji Babangida Nguroje along with the purchase of 12 cars, I could not help but feel like there was a conspiracy to get rid of this very vocal and vociferous female leader of the house. It was like the members of the house could not stand the thought of being led by a female no matter how highly qualified. Am I trying to justify the former speaker's antics? No.
I am only pointing out the fact that there was a sophisticated gang up of male chauvinists making intelligent and self righteous noises against her as if they had suddenly acquired spotless garments of unparallelled performance in their various constituencies and had never at one time or the other sullied their seemingly pristine reputations. The then Speaker Etteh committed some sins no doubt but the worse of it was being a woman. If the National Assembly were indeed sincere in its fight against its corrupt members, how come we can still count many sticky fingers in the house today?
Let section 41 of the constitution be respected and no member of the house denied any opportunity of leading on account of sex, tribe or religion.

Nigerian banks and The Africa Report

THERE has been much contention about the source materials and criteria upon which the editors of Africa Report, a Paris-based publication, recently based their opinion regarding the solvency of Nigerian commercial banks. Focusing on the exposure of Nigerian banks, post-consolidation, to the capital market and the oil and gas sector, and their published shareholders' funds and total assets, Africa Report paints the picture of a troubled Nigerian banking sector where only four banks can be considered "strong".
In its view, when the stock market wiped out about eight trillion Naira in value, the major burden of the incidence was to be felt in the erosion of banks' assets. But risk profiling alone does not fully tell the story of a bank's strength. So contend, correctly, the CBN, the NDIC, the Association of Corporate Affairs Managers of Banks (ACAMB) and other stakeholders. The lesson to be taken from the entire controversy is that Nigerian banks can no longer pretend to be insulated from international attention.
With the banks seeking international presence and patronage, in a global, competitive market, they are bound to attract broader scrutiny, including irreverent analysis by intrepid investigators. In recent times, Nigeria's banking sector has been the subject of scrutiny by not only the Africa Report, but also the World Bank, Fitch, a ratings agency, and Forbes magazine.
The banks are up in arms because Africa Report insists that some banks have 'something to hide' and that they can be categorised as follows: Strong (four banks): "Thriving, to profit from the crisis''; Satisfactory (nine banks) - "Margin lending issues but will all survive''; Shaken (seven banks) - ''Serious governance issues need urgent attention''; Stressed (four banks) - "on the ropes, sink or be swallowed.'' The main contention is that a report of this nature may result in a crisis of confidence, and possibly a run on the banking sector and render many Nigerian banks, more vulnerable. This certainly cannot be in the interest of either the regulatory authorities or the affected banks.
The complaint by the banks is obviously because they have received less than their favoured or perceived rating from the publication. Thus far, the ensuing alarm among the banking public, is we believe, unwarranted. Ultimately, ratings are subjective judgements. But the Jeune Afrique - Africa Report equally focused on issues of corporate governance, and the fact that the regulator "still has work to do." No doubt about this, as indeed regulators worldwide have a lot to do on the heels of the global financial crisis.
Ordinarily, the basic norms of assessment for banks prescribe a review of the institution's capital adequacy for the quantum of risks it carries, whether the quality of assets it creates justifies the risk, the quality of available human skills and elements of management, the texture of the earnings stream and the institution's liquidity profile to meet immediate and future obligations. The Africa Report publication does not seem to have considered other indicators. It is not helpful that the editors have refused to disclose their parameters of assessments, for, they insist, legal reasons. What cannot be controverted though is that questions continue to be raised about some Nigerian banks and the country's financial system.
Both the appearance of this edition of the Africa Report and the recently declared objectives of Mr. Lamido Sanusi at the Central Bank, call for concerted and urgent action to establish the truth about the trading of the post-consolidation years and then provide a transparent state of bank balance sheets. The possibilities open to Mr. Sanusi's tenure include CBN-inspired ratings and models of all financial institutions in the Nigerian market. In the main, it can no longer be that of relaxed rules and governance benchmarks in the banks, a challenge worsened by the emergence of owners-managers in this sensitive sector.
It is, therefore, in order that the CBN is insisting on full disclosures and more diligent reporting standards by the banks. The banks must support this internal audit in order to prevent alleged misrepresentation. Individual banks also need to reassure their customers by raising their level of performance, while the regulatory authorities must embark on the task of rebuilding market confidence and standards.

Judiciary and the Anti-Graft War

Chairman of the Economic and Fin-ancial Crimes Com-mission (EFCC), Mrs. Farida Waziri and others have attributed the slow pace of the anti-graft war in Nigeria to flaws in the judicial process. According to them, many accused persons standing trial in anti-graft cases, have, through their lawyers, systematically devised effective means of whittling down and undermining the effectiveness of the courts in the speedy disposal of the cases against them.
We cannot agree more that our flawed judicial process has consistently impeded the sweeping measures to combat corruption in Nigeria. Not infrequently, former State Governors and political bigwigs standing trial in high profile anti-graft cases bribe their way to obtain dubious court injunctions to impede their prosecution in court. Anti-graft cases are stalled by unnecessary court adjournments.
Distressfully, some lawyers handling anti-graft cases, who are supposed to be officers in the temple of justice, throw decorum and professional ethics overboard to bring frivolous court applications aimed at scuttling the judicial process.
Having said this, we are not unmindful of the fact that the greatest obstacle in the wheel of the criminal justice system in Nigeria is executive interference in the affairs of the judiciary. Contrary to the principle of separation of power, some members of the executive manipulate some anti-graft cases in favour of some former State governors and high personalities. Some former State governors who have benefited from this unjustified largesse are walking the streets today as canonized saints.
Even the EFCC cannot be exculpated from the tardiness and moral degeneration which have flawed our judicial process. Oftentimes the delay in the prosecution of those suspected to have been involved in graft and official corruption results from poor preparation and presentation of cases by the EFCC. In some cases, charges preferred against some suspects by the EFCC are later dramatically dropped by the same EFCC without genuine reasons. Some of the suspects being publicly paraded by the EFCC are always beaming with smiles with the belief that they would be let off the hook sooner or later.
Till date, no suspect who has been investigated by the EFCC has been duly convicted and sent to long imprisonment. The EFCC pre-bargain option has drawn public outcry. Even the integrity of the office of the Federal Attorney-General in the prosecution of the anti-graft war is sometimes called into question by the public.
Consequently, we call on the Bar and the Bench to live up to expectation in the dispensation of justice in anti-graft cases. Let there be responsible criminal investigation and prosecution. Quality criminal justice system stems from quality criminal investigation and prosecution. When our judiciary is corrupted by the very people who should labour to maintain its prestige, the inevitable outcome is huge stranglehold on the judiciary, bare-faced injustice and enthronement of corrupt criminal justice system.
All said, an efficient and effective criminal justice, predicated upon the basic principles of law and justice and propelled by a vibrant judicial system is indispensable in winning the ant-graft war in Nigeria.

Again, the ASUU Strike

The frequency of strikes by both the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and their non-academic counterparts says much about the unenviable state of tertiary education in the country. Our concern here is not necessarily the merit or otherwise of the latest industrial action by the university teachers. Certainly we have written much on the poor attitude of our governments towards matters pertaining to education which had often triggered restiveness in our higher institutions of learning. We have also written much on the need for lecturers to explore other means of airing their grievances than work stoppages.
However, the issue at hand is one that clearly portrays the government as insensitive. Why are the university teachers currently on strike? Principally because the government has refused to endorse an agreement it had signed with the union last January on the need to, among other things, improve the state of the universities by upgrading their infrastructure. Noteworthy is the fact that many of the issues have nothing to do with the welfare of the teachers themselves but rather with how the quality of education in the universities can be generally enhanced.
Anyone familiar with the environment of our universities today will be amazed that government needs any prodding to act to save the situation. There is so much decay of infrastructure that most of these universities have become no more than glorified high schools. Funding is low and even the little that is available is hardly well utilized. Classrooms are incredibly over crowded and lecture theatres that were even originally meant for large number of students have become scandalously over-congested, with sometimes more than half the students receiving lectures from across the windows. This highly non-conducive atmosphere invariably leads to the production of half-baked graduates by the universities.
In the globalised labour market of today, we wonder how these poorly exposed graduates can compete. Right from the universities they have been disabled by the poor quality of environment in which they receive their classes. The situation is worse for science and engineering students. All too often, they lack the necessary practical experience because of the absence of good laboratories and workshops.
These are not issues that need flogging before a government that has listed education as one of its cardinal programmes can begin to act towards remedying them. It can only be argued that the government is not showing much concern because most of the children of its top officials study abroad where facilities are much better.
The state of higher education in the country has become so bad that nothing less than a call for a national emergency can redress it. For us, the challenge before the current minister of education, who incidentally was a university lecturer just as the president and the vice-president, is how to re-invent our universities.
Indeed, most of them have become shadows of what they ought to be. Is it any surprise that Nigerians who can afford it now send their children to places like Ghana where the quality of education is evidently higher than what currently obtains in our country?
The latest ASUU strike is really regrettable. The government should not have allowed it to happen in the first place. Now that it has, we expect the federal authorities to take necessary steps to stop it from being prolonged by acceding to the reasonable demands of the university teachers. Let our universities regain their lost glory. And one of the ways to do so is through massive infusion of funds into them for the development of infrastructure.

CBN and the sack of bank managements

THE brazen decision of the Lamido Sanusi-led Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to sack the CEOs and Executive Directors of Oceanic Bank, Afribank, Intercontinental Bank, Union Bank and Finbank should be treated with the due suspicion that it deserves.

The present predicament of the banks was long in coming. The bitter, persistent complaints of alleged marginalisation of the ‘North’ by the Soludo consolidation policy by Northern politicians, journalists and traditional rulers during the Obasanjo administration, gave an inkling of what fate would befall the banks immediately this adminis-tration came into office.

And the ‘Northern’ saboteurs went into action as soon as Yar’Adua was sworn in. They first focused their attacks on Soludo and its main achievement, the consolidated banks, which were blamed for all manners of ills plaguing the country’s economy.

The African Finance Corporation, which was established by the Soludo CBN in partnership with Nigerian banks, was portrayed as a gigantic fraud. The Presidency even set up a special investigative panel which could only find Soludo culpable of alleged procedural mistakes in setting up the continental development financial institution.

Then came the accusations that the ex-CBN chief was not policing the banks properly and that he co-owned some of them.

Series of pressure was mounted on the Professor of Economics, making him to embark on a series of measures to pacify the powers that be. He gave back the operating licence of Société Générale and to achieve regional balance also Savannah.

Moreover, he even forgave the 70 billion naira debt of Unity Bank. But all to no avail. The North wanted that position at all costs. When the time came for the renewal of his term of office and against all rules of logic in view of his world-acclaimed achievements, Soludo was asked to go and Sanusi was swiftly named in his replacement.

The curious thing about the processes of appointment and Senate confirmation of Sanusi was the lack of controversy which should normally have characterised them because of the antecedents of the Fulani man.

Sanusi is an unabashedly Fulani nationalist and he has made that clear in many articles he has written since 2000 and which were published in Nigerian newspapers and online, especially on gamji.com.

He has made disparaging remarks about Chief Obafemi Awolowo and even attacked Abacha and Babangida, non-Fulani former Northern heads of state.

He made sure his readers understood him well that he was foremost a Fulani — he even described the term Hausa-Fulani a nonsense nomenclature. In fact, the title of one his articles was “The Fulani without Apology”. Sanusi’s writings were so nauseating that Garba Shehu, the non-Fulani Northern rights activist, once described them as “racist crap”.

Aside from that, Sanusi at First Bank was rumoured to be actively engaged in the infamous de-marketing campaign, a charge that Intercontinental Bank made against him, in a veiled reference, in a newspaper advertisement early this year.

Doubts about the veracity of the widely-held suspicion were dispelled by the negative feature on Nigerian banks published by The Africa Report, in which Sanusi was the main source of information. He was also exclusively interviewed in the report.

That such an unabashed tribalist could be appointed into such a professional national office without any protests shows the political lethargy of the Southern elite.

And that must have emboldened the Fulani CBN chief that he made very negative remarks about Nigerian banks in the very first interview he granted the press upon his assumption of office. In the interview, with the West Africa correspondent of the Financial Times, he made it point blank that he would prefer new investors to come into the market, even expressing his preference for foreign players at the expense of those he referred to as anonymous Nigerian nominees.

That interview also failed to elicit condemnation despite its patent patriotism and its potentials to cause a confidence crisis in the capital market. No wonder that Sanusi felt so sure of the docility of his victims that he devised the so-called audit programme, carried it out in a rash and without even waiting for the completion of the exercise or informing the boards of the affected banks of its findings, he went ahead to change the managements of the banks.

Without doubt Sanusi’s actions are premeditated and are meant to change the ownership structure of the banks. Why the haste to take the decisions when the so-called CBN audit has not been conducted in all Nigerian banks?

Why did Sanusi not invite the boards of the banks to show them the results of the so-called audit and ask them how they think they could solve the problem; for example, giving them a deadline to recapitalise?

Why wield the axe so soon?

The practice all over the world is to first demand that the existing shareholders meet the capital adequacy. It is only where they are not able to raise the required capital that forced intervention by the regulators takes place.

These are indications that Sanusi is following a script.

The appointment of Southerners as acting MDs of the 5 banks is a smokescreen. When the smoke clears, Fulanis would have become the majority shareholders of most Nigerian banks. As Sanusi has said that he would invite investors to shore up the capital of these banks and take stake in them.

There is a grand conspiracy by the Yar’Adua administration to foster Fulani control over all facets of life in the country. What Sanusi has just done must be linked with what his people are doing in other sectors of the economy where they’re edging out other Nigerians, such as in the oil & gas industry.

Today, it’s the banks. Yesterday, it’s the petroleum products importers. Who knows who’s next?

When will Southerners and other marginalised Nigerians begin to resist this blatant process of internal colonialism?

CBN and the sack of bank managements

THE brazen decision of the Lamido Sanusi-led Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to sack the CEOs and Executive Directors of Oceanic Bank, Afribank, Intercontinental Bank, Union Bank and Finbank should be treated with the due suspicion that it deserves.

The present predicament of the banks was long in coming. The bitter, persistent complaints of alleged marginalisation of the ‘North’ by the Soludo consolidation policy by Northern politicians, journalists and traditional rulers during the Obasanjo administration, gave an inkling of what fate would befall the banks immediately this adminis-tration came into office.

And the ‘Northern’ saboteurs went into action as soon as Yar’Adua was sworn in. They first focused their attacks on Soludo and its main achievement, the consolidated banks, which were blamed for all manners of ills plaguing the country’s economy.

The African Finance Corporation, which was established by the Soludo CBN in partnership with Nigerian banks, was portrayed as a gigantic fraud. The Presidency even set up a special investigative panel which could only find Soludo culpable of alleged procedural mistakes in setting up the continental development financial institution.

Then came the accusations that the ex-CBN chief was not policing the banks properly and that he co-owned some of them.

Series of pressure was mounted on the Professor of Economics, making him to embark on a series of measures to pacify the powers that be. He gave back the operating licence of Société Générale and to achieve regional balance also Savannah.

Moreover, he even forgave the 70 billion naira debt of Unity Bank. But all to no avail. The North wanted that position at all costs. When the time came for the renewal of his term of office and against all rules of logic in view of his world-acclaimed achievements, Soludo was asked to go and Sanusi was swiftly named in his replacement.

The curious thing about the processes of appointment and Senate confirmation of Sanusi was the lack of controversy which should normally have characterised them because of the antecedents of the Fulani man.

Sanusi is an unabashedly Fulani nationalist and he has made that clear in many articles he has written since 2000 and which were published in Nigerian newspapers and online, especially on gamji.com.

He has made disparaging remarks about Chief Obafemi Awolowo and even attacked Abacha and Babangida, non-Fulani former Northern heads of state.

He made sure his readers understood him well that he was foremost a Fulani — he even described the term Hausa-Fulani a nonsense nomenclature. In fact, the title of one his articles was “The Fulani without Apology”. Sanusi’s writings were so nauseating that Garba Shehu, the non-Fulani Northern rights activist, once described them as “racist crap”.

Aside from that, Sanusi at First Bank was rumoured to be actively engaged in the infamous de-marketing campaign, a charge that Intercontinental Bank made against him, in a veiled reference, in a newspaper advertisement early this year.

Doubts about the veracity of the widely-held suspicion were dispelled by the negative feature on Nigerian banks published by The Africa Report, in which Sanusi was the main source of information. He was also exclusively interviewed in the report.

That such an unabashed tribalist could be appointed into such a professional national office without any protests shows the political lethargy of the Southern elite.

And that must have emboldened the Fulani CBN chief that he made very negative remarks about Nigerian banks in the very first interview he granted the press upon his assumption of office. In the interview, with the West Africa correspondent of the Financial Times, he made it point blank that he would prefer new investors to come into the market, even expressing his preference for foreign players at the expense of those he referred to as anonymous Nigerian nominees.

That interview also failed to elicit condemnation despite its patent patriotism and its potentials to cause a confidence crisis in the capital market. No wonder that Sanusi felt so sure of the docility of his victims that he devised the so-called audit programme, carried it out in a rash and without even waiting for the completion of the exercise or informing the boards of the affected banks of its findings, he went ahead to change the managements of the banks.

Without doubt Sanusi’s actions are premeditated and are meant to change the ownership structure of the banks. Why the haste to take the decisions when the so-called CBN audit has not been conducted in all Nigerian banks?

Why did Sanusi not invite the boards of the banks to show them the results of the so-called audit and ask them how they think they could solve the problem; for example, giving them a deadline to recapitalise?

Why wield the axe so soon?

The practice all over the world is to first demand that the existing shareholders meet the capital adequacy. It is only where they are not able to raise the required capital that forced intervention by the regulators takes place.

These are indications that Sanusi is following a script.

The appointment of Southerners as acting MDs of the 5 banks is a smokescreen. When the smoke clears, Fulanis would have become the majority shareholders of most Nigerian banks. As Sanusi has said that he would invite investors to shore up the capital of these banks and take stake in them.

There is a grand conspiracy by the Yar’Adua administration to foster Fulani control over all facets of life in the country. What Sanusi has just done must be linked with what his people are doing in other sectors of the economy where they’re edging out other Nigerians, such as in the oil & gas industry.

Today, it’s the banks. Yesterday, it’s the petroleum products importers. Who knows who’s next?

When will Southerners and other marginalised Nigerians begin to resist this blatant process of internal colonialism?

Anti-corruption revolution and the rest of us

THE resolution by my community to create some social services like water borehole and pipe laying to distribute same, electricity development and secondary education building project without recourse to the government saw monetary contributions made.

As typical of an Ibo society, defaulters in financial contributions were harassed/intimidated by the masquerades and the task force men. But along the line a new twist emerged as rumour moved to suspicion and more to distrust causing great breach between the leaders and the led. It is from the buggle announcing massive mismanagement of our commonwealth as these men in position of trust changed their food regimen and acquired properties without known financial generators.

Moreso, the churches holding hope of men and women of pious standing came stories from elderly women of great financial misappropriation by the elite class. A woman recounted her ordeal in the monthly broom presentations which the annual financial report never suggested anything positive as seen from the population involved. In these scenarios people hailed and protected the perpetrators with chieftaincy titles or religions honours.

Yes! It is from a similar society most of us grew up and the forces of our environment drowned great many. Our leaders reneged on advocated pact as misery became the lot of majority with project cost rooted to high heavens and most times the only indication of project site is the plaque.

Deception ruled the entire space, while secrecy delivered communion wines to the pain at heart. On these, some persons prayed for an ecclesiastical space of a new Nigeria devoid of over night millionaires and praise-worshippers of greed and treasury looting.

Indeed, the emergence of Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) from the anthill marked a turning point as the tears of many gave way to hope. It was built on the sophistication by which actions were carried out and result of unimaginable status recorded.

So, the fear of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu and Ibrahim Larmode garnished hotdog took men to religious books with its forceful inscription as in Ephesians 4:28: “Let the stealer steal no more, but rather let him do hard (legal, positive) work, doing with his hands what is good work, that he may have something to distribute to someone in need”. This can be compared to a scene in an elementary school where the sound of the closing bell saw the pupils flee to different directions leaving the troubled heart to bemoan the day’s result.

Truly, the troubled and sick hearts were caught as they saw the democratic era from the prism of ill-gotten wealth, while those perceiving the stench from dead bodies bade farewell to wealth without work. Once, I ran into a politician who told of an incident where he declined collecting a cheque from a lobbyist as he said while chastising the giver for pushing him into the lion mouth of the EFCC led by Nuhu Ribadu. On these strides some of us craved and prayed to be part of this revolution as the sighting of Malam Ribadu’s footage from the watch tower was glorious.

Today, events have changed as the once dreaded agency drops her toga of pragmatism for the blue wine of revelries. The men who once lived inside the palace of fear and trepidation with their political future a subject for science students on the principles of a swinging pendulum, now informs same (students) on how to regain balance.

So, when I read recently from the news dailies of a plan to drop charges by EFCC against a former South-South Governor for want of evidence, I tried checking my pulse level and that of the millions on the hinterlands of the state on their perceived trauma which is now being sacrificed on altar of contacts/connections and technicalities. Yes! Even the nation’s Attorney General and Minister for Justice celebrate same technicalities as he announces his championship status whenever the London Metropolitan Police and courts sneeze on this case.

Oh! Who will contact Malam Ribadu for a national service? This is important as he once told us the great number of past state chief executives whose sin barrels extended to the heaven tops. He meant every bit of it as he re-echoed same in a recent London lecture that a former state governor who once offered him millions of dollars to shut out his satellite technology on him today, occupies a larger space/seat in our future drive.

The trouble with Nigeria from Ekiti

THE news of Boko Harram insurgence in Northern parts of the country filtered to me while I was away in Ado Ekiti from Abuja on official assignment.

Meanwhile, I didn’t get the full gist of the carnage and I became curious. I could not wait till the next day to read from newspapers. I made for my radio transistor which is always my companion on tours in order to listen to BBC London or Voice of America from where I am sure of getting authentic information on the development.

My appetite was satisfied when by 10.pm of the night I got hooked up to BBC for news analysis on Boko Haram incidence in Nigeria. When the analysis was over, I heaved a heavy sigh and relaxed back on the edge of my bed where I sat, eyes closed, hands cross- folded behind my head. My mind started wandering: What is the trouble with this country called Nigeria? I thought of the reason proffered by the dissidents; the destructions and causalties which follow the insinuations as well as the lapses in security permeating the crisis.

All of a sudden there was power outage, I brought out my handset to check time, and it was 11.30pm. I assumed the hotel must have a generator; moments after, I heard the Manager yelling at one of the staff to switch on the generator. After several attempts it came on with a loud noise accompanied with heavy smoke enveloping almost everywhere. I decided to stroll out within the neighbourhood to escape from the noisy atmosphere for a while to have peace and reflect more on the sordid news I’ve just heard.

I barely walked few minutes away from my hotel when I noticed a beer parlor where some few cars were parked. As I approached, I had an impression that the people within were gentlemen. I was welcomed by the attendant who quickly arranged a chair for me around one of the tables where two people sat down. “Hello, good evening,” I greeted them. “Thank you, my brother, you’re welcome,” one of them replied. The attendant tapped my table and said “Oga, what do you care for?” I told him what I wanted and he brought it.

Having listened to conversation between the guys I sat with, I knew that they are learned people. I had hardly settled down to enjoy my drink when the incident of the Boko Haram Islamic fundamentalist flashed my mind again, then I heard myself unknowingly saying: “Oh My God”. The guys looked at me as if something must have gone wrong. One of them said to me: “Sorry”. I looked up at them and laughed, as if to confirm their thinking that something was actually wrong.

I thanked the guys for showing concern over my attitude and went straight to the point. But where are we going in this country? I wonder what the problem with us is, I retorted. The guys looked at each other and then looked at me; one of them said: “What do you mean?” I mean the recent Boko Haram incident in the North I replied, it is not worth it. We shouldn’t be killing ourselves and destroying properties of government and individuals for no reason at all.

I had thought I could easily be able to engage the guys in a conversation on the Boko Haram killings and perhaps other national problems since it has become my hobby to generate topic of national interest for discussion at every opportunity.

They shifted attention away from me with no reply to my lamentation on the national situation; they merely wiped foam off the beer and had a good kiss from the glass cup. There was relative silence for a while. I felt snubbed that the guys said nothing on the matter. Then, I noticed one of them tapping his legs and occasionally shaking his head.

Unsatisfied with their snobbish attitude, I made another attempt. “Is this the way we will continue in this country? For how long are we going to continue like this?’ To my surprise, one of them said: “My brother, don’t disturb our peace here. I’m sorry, why don’t you just enjoy your drink and go to bed”. Are you not fed up discussing national problems all the time while situations remain unchanged? More painful is the fact that this habit of discussing national problems is gradually making me a nuisance while the perpetrators are somewhere coasting away in enjoyment with their loots and spoils.

Look at you, is this the first religious crisis in this country or do you think it will be the last? Where were you during the “Maitatsini” crisis in Kano and other religious crises? Don’t you know there is trouble in Nigeria? Wait a minute, his other friend chipped in, don’t you know there are some fundamental problems in this country and not until we addressed them, we would continue to grope in crisis?

Olusola Saraki playing God

MORE than any other Nigerian first generation state, Kwara State has demonstrated higher capacity for political theatrics. Time there was that two incumbent governors – Alhaji Adamu Atta in 1983 and the late retired Rear Admiral Muhammed Alabi Lawal in 2003 – kissed the dust after fierce electoral battles with the septuagenarian “god father” of Kwara politics, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki. They were both epic battles that will not be forgotten in a hurry by chroniclers and watchers of political events in the Middle Belt state and Nigeria as a whole.

The feat performed by Oloye, as Dr. Saraki is better known in the Kwara political firmament, in those two elections really stood him out as a formidable grass-roots politician who actually knows his onion. That he succeeded in sending Lawal packing with his gunboat, and replacing him with his own heir, Bukola, further underscored his political sagacity in contemporary Nigeria.

Not many in the larger Nigerian society, however, succinctly knew why Lawal fell prey to the Trojan horse. The navy general’s many tactless battles with civil servants, pensioners and the emirate provided enough banana peels for his fatal fall.

There is no doubt that Dr. Olusola Saraki, the Waziri of Ilorin, has come a long way in the demonstration of political wizardry, given his antecedents after his 1964 parliamentary electoral debacle in Ilorin, for which he was perpetually taunted by the late Babatunde Alamu, an unrepentant anti-Saraki element in Ilorin. The Alamu past-time was to debunk Saraki’s well-orchestrated invincibility.

In addition to installing Bukola as Lawal’s successor, Oloye literally moved up his daughter, Gbemisola, from the House of Representatives where she served a term from 1999 to the Senate in the 2003 elections to boot. Very few Nigerian politicians, dead or living, ever recorded such feat.

It is improbable that those electoral “victories” of 2003 and 2007 were the factors that combined to buoy up Oloye Saraki to recently, with the gait of a peacock, promise to announce Bukola’s successor as governor of Kwara State in December this year after he might have returned from Umrah (the lesser hajj). It is a common knowledge that no political party in the land has yet announced a time-table for primaries for 2001.

Olusola Saraki reportedly said in Abuja that “the bond between him and the people of Kwara State could be likened to that between the Shakespearean Romeo and Juliet, such that if he presented any capable person as governorship candidate under the banner of any political party, the person will win.”

When asked to comment on the wide-spreading rumour that he was planning to present Senator Gbemisola Saraki-Fowora as Bukola’s successor in 2011, Oloye only went lyrical. He could neither deny nor confirm the rumour, saying: “I love Senator Gbemisola Saraki-Fowora very dearly too as she is the girl after my heart.”

In apparent appreciation of the place of religion in the gullible hearts of his highly impoverished army of followers (especially the womenfolk), Saraki cunningly added that he would wait till December, after communing with Allah in Saudi Arabia, before making his new year 2011 Kwara governorship declaration.

Only the fool will be incapable of reading between the lines, even from the little that the press could extract from the foxy political gadfly. No respecter of Allah will discountenance the place of equity and justice in the appropriation of a common patrimony. As fairness to others remains the major plank of both Islam and Christianity as religions, Saraki cannot be sincerely dependent on Allah to be scheming the succession of his son by his daughter in a state of about two million people of enviable political heritage and academic attainments.

Oloye is only trying to play God. And he had better watch it as no known empire, in history, has ever risen without falling. He should guard against a fatal fall. He should borrow a word from the legendry Chinua Achebe that those who had their own palm kernels cracked for them by the benevolent gods must not fail to be humble.

Political calculation
Politically, morally and constitutionally, it is nauseating for anybody to tinker with the idea of retaining the Kwara governorship in Ilorin in 2011, which would then be twelve years after the state power had squarely resided in the city and Kwara Central senatorial district. Nowhere in Nigeria is such impunity being contemplated by any political group or individual.

If the people of Kwara South and North senatorial districts supported the re-election of Governor Bukola Saraki in 2007, it was not because they lacked sense of political calculation. Rather, it was basically because of the people’s belief that he had a legitimate right to a second term given his modest record of performance. Oloye will definitely be stretching his luck too far by this growing rumour of planning a Gbemisola succession of Bukola Saraki. Some even say that both (Gbemi and Bukola) are planning to swap positions. Haba Saraki! Oloye has to bury this thought.

The Kwara South Senatorial district, comprising Irepodun, Ifelodun, Offa, Oyun, Isin, Ekiti and Oke-Ero local governments, has waited long enough after the military termination of the three-month administration of Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo on December 31, 1983, to take their turn at the Kwara governorship.

On the political arena from the area are many quality materials like Lai Mohammed, Akogun Iyiola Oyedepo, Ambassador Tunji Olagunju, Arc. Lola Ashiru, Yekinni Alabi, Ayo Opadokun, Gbenga Makanjuola, Fatai Ahmed and Gbenga Olawepo. Indeed, the list is inexhaustible. Oloye cannot feign ignorance of the rich human capital base of this district which produced the bulk of the state’s manpower at inception in May 1967.

It will be the height of effrontery and brigandage for the Waziri of Ilorin to rub insult into the already wounded psyche of the usually easy-going people of Kwara State whose jugular has been under his suffocating grips in the past three decades. The state surely needs a new breath after the current tenure of Bukola Saraki. Nothing less is expected by the people of Kwara.

Right of Reply : You can’t de-brand Dora

IT was with great effort that I concluded reading your(Dele Sobowale) last weekend’s disquisition on the re-branding of Dora Akunyili our Honourable Minister for Information and Communication, and principal exponent of the Re-branding Nigeria project.

Your title reads, “Re-branding Akunyili and Ohakim”, but I will concentrate on the innuendoes and factual errors that impinge on Prof. Akunyili because I know that Ikedi Ohakim has enough aides to respond to the overtones fired at him.

Firstly, you got your facts wrong on several of the issues you raised. Let me start with the N8.2 billion NTA upgrade contract. Prof Akunyili’s life does not depend on it as you claimed. Let me state clearly that Prof. Akunyili only presented the memo on NTA upgrade project to Federal Executive Council, FEC, just as she will present for any of the 14 parastatals under her supervision.

NTA initiated this project about two years ago when Prof. Akunyili was nowhere close to Radio House Abuja. NTA went through selective tendering and recommended the following three contractors to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) for the project: Thomson Grass Valley of France, WTS/Sunny Nigeria and VISAT USA .

Interestingly, BPP reviewed submissions and called for fresh tenders from the companies to clear some technical details. Fresh tenders were submitted directly to BPP by all interested parties after which BPP selected WTS/SONY to handle the entire project. It was after BPP issued a certificate of “No Objection” for the project to be awarded to WTS/SONY, that the Minister presented the memo for approval to the FEC.

It is therefore clear that the Minister was not involved in evaluating the contract and selecting the contractors. It is clear to any discerning mind that Prof. Akunyili is a stickler for due process and walks the fine line.

Your claim that the “the re-branding which was ill-conceived was brought down by the Federal Executive Council…” is false. There was never a time that the Minister presented a budget of N1.2 billion to the FEC or anyone for that matter. It was a section of the media that bandied this sum around based on rumour.

For the avoidance of doubt, the money being used for the Re-branding Nigeria project is the leftover of the money budgeted for the Heart of Africa for the year 2009.The sum is N150 million, out of which an inherited debt of about N19.9 million was paid. The balance for the Re-branding project was N130 million.

So much has been said and written on the NCC saga. At this point it suffices to state clearly that for her, this is an issue based on principles. Simplicita. If there is an established process by law, then it must be followed without short cuts. The facts are out there and you can verify. Well, after about 12 weeks of NCC controversy and representations, Prof.Akunyili has been vindicated.

Her principled position and courage under assault won the day when on Tuesday, August 11, 2009 President Yar’Adua ordered the cancellation of the 2.3GHz sale conducted by Ndukwe and directed that a new transparent process be conducted.

So you see, like the NCC saga, most of these allegations and insinuations against Prof. Akunyili cannot stick because they are not factual. Lastly, the daggers-drawn inference about her relationship with the Minister of State needs to be further investigated. We do not see any daggers yet. What she has tried to do is to make sure that the best working relationship is evolved and that issues are dealt with according to the rule of law. Period.

To many, Prof. Akunyili’s journey to the Ministry of Information is an odyssey. It is something that people only dream about but hardly witness in Nigeria. The ideological and physical journey by millions of people who always wanted to make Nigeria great have been traumatic experiences characterised by countless trials and tribulations, most of them harrowing and dreadful.

This is what Dora’s odyssey has come to change. But it is most irksome when disinformation is coming from the enlightened class, who would do well to join hands in nation-building and not this objectionable frenzy that unkind opposition perpetuates.

We all would want our nation to be great but great nations do not happen devoid of the contributions of great minds. Dora has surmounted some of the most outrageous obstacles in Nigerian life through hard work and perseverance. Her attitude since, has been, “if I can do it, many Nigerians can do it too”. That is why she is pursuing the Re-branding Nigeria project to veer Nigeria away from the course of misrepresentations that have turned the country into a war front and its future generation of citizens a war chest.

Sobowale should know that the Minister has no reason to indulge in propaganda, or use any concerted set of messages aimed at influencing the behavioral patterns of enemies, as most propaganda would do. There is no enemy here and she chooses her subjects very carefully, for the benefit of compatriots. The re-branding project is a result of deep introspection and the conclusion that an ingredient that could make Nigeria better is lacking.

By staking her hard-earned credibility in the project the Minister is saying she could give anything to salvage Nigeria. It is therefore inconceivable that such a well-articulated dream would now be turned into a monster by people who should be part of it, wishing that it consumes its protagonist. So who is trying to re-brand Dora?

Her message is as simple as it has always been, even before her time at NAFDAC. She is a hard-working ordinary woman who is out to change the world and willing to take all agents of change along with her in any crusade, be it at NAFDAC or elsewhere. There is the potent danger of people who supported her while at NAFDAC now abandoning her because she is in a terrain that they feel belongs only to them.

But Dora refuses to be pigeonholed. She is a one-size-fits-all and would perform as creditably wherever she finds herself, in or out of government. But she also says one more thing; that she cannot accomplish anything without the support of people like Dele Sobowale who once believed and trusted her. They form her village of crusaders and jumping ship midstream is not a good idea. Not this time, at least.

TheTask बेफोरे थे IG

FOR Ogbonna Okechukwu Onovo, his appointment as Acting Inspector General of Police July 22 and subsequent confirmation by the Nigeria Police Council, August 4, capture the age-long saying, that “the patient dog eats the fattest bone”.

Onovo had previously acted, though briefly, as IG of the Nigeria Police Force in 2007, before he was replaced by the last IGP, Mike Okiro. He holds the record of having served three IGPs as a Deputy Inspector General. Even at that he was said to have been faithful and diligent, believing, as it were, that one day he would be rewarded for loyalty and consistency.

So, on July 22, the jinx was actually broken, making him the first of Igbo extraction to attain such a height in the Force, since the civil war ended in 1970.

Regrettably, Onovo’s appointment was almost marred by political and ethnic considerations. Before this period, ethnic considerations and personal loyalty were the major criteria for the most senior appointments in the Police in the past, the result of which was an inefficient and corrupt Police Force.

Little wonder ethnic bigots and politicians reduced the appointment of Okiro’s successor to a mere political issue; making the entire process seem like the usual Nigerian thing; whereby where you hail from and who you know determine your fate.

It was indeed saddening that the campaigners invaded the media and desecrated the sanctity of newsrooms; they did not only recruit columnists but succeeded in skewing editorials, cover and lead stories as well as articles in their candidates’ favour.

Interestingly, President Umaru Yar’Adua held tenaciously to his rule of law mantra and refused to be swayed by all those cheap methods and tactics. Mr. President by this singular act has no doubt restored discipline in the Force because seniority and experience could once again count in the Nigeria Police.

In fact, the national acclaim that has continued to trail the appointment of Onovo is a testimony that the President could not have made a better choice. This was also reinforced by the Nigeria Police Council as, according to the Minister of Police Affairs, Alhaji Ibrahim Lame, there was no dissenting voice when the body met last Tuesday to deliberate on the issue.

The new IGP has been variously described in glowing terms. Not a few commentators, particularly within the Force, see him as an upright officer who brooks no truancy or illegality. When the issue of who would replace Okiro raged, Onovo was said to have put his faith in God, insisting that it is only Him who has the power to position any man at His own time.

It was gathered that Onovo had rejected a proposal by a highly placed PDP chieftain from the South East to set up a media team to campaign for him. He had reportedly thanked the man for his concern, but told him that the appointment of IGP was not an ethnic thing, pointing out that when he joined the Force in 1977, he did not have the slightest inkling that he would get to the position of DIG.

That Onovo swarm the murky waters of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) between 1998 and 2000 as Chairman/Chief Executive Officer without being tainted is a pointer that he is a man of character.

Nigerians, who noted that Onovo had shown signs of loyalty and patience, have been applauding his appointment as befitting and well earned, while some others believe that his uprightness and integrity may be the much needed tonic that will transform the Police and restore its lost glory.

And that is the current challenge before Nigeria’s 14th indigenous Inspector General of Police. Generally, the core task facing the new Police boss is how to return the Police to its original duty of crime fighting, security and maintenance of law and order.

Since Onovo assumed office, he has repeatedly reassured Nigerians of his commitment to a crime-free society; as he put it, where they will sleep with two eyes closed.

Informed sources disclosed to this writer that the IGP has mapped out plans to curb crime in the South East, not only because he hails from the region but also because he was the first person from the zone to occupy the office of the IGP.

The spate of armed robbery, kidnapping, militancy, assassinations, extra-judicial killings by police personnel and general insecurity will receive the maximum attention of the Police under Onovo.

TheTask बेफोरे थे IG

FOR Ogbonna Okechukwu Onovo, his appointment as Acting Inspector General of Police July 22 and subsequent confirmation by the Nigeria Police Council, August 4, capture the age-long saying, that “the patient dog eats the fattest bone”.

Onovo had previously acted, though briefly, as IG of the Nigeria Police Force in 2007, before he was replaced by the last IGP, Mike Okiro. He holds the record of having served three IGPs as a Deputy Inspector General. Even at that he was said to have been faithful and diligent, believing, as it were, that one day he would be rewarded for loyalty and consistency.

So, on July 22, the jinx was actually broken, making him the first of Igbo extraction to attain such a height in the Force, since the civil war ended in 1970.

Regrettably, Onovo’s appointment was almost marred by political and ethnic considerations. Before this period, ethnic considerations and personal loyalty were the major criteria for the most senior appointments in the Police in the past, the result of which was an inefficient and corrupt Police Force.

Little wonder ethnic bigots and politicians reduced the appointment of Okiro’s successor to a mere political issue; making the entire process seem like the usual Nigerian thing; whereby where you hail from and who you know determine your fate.

It was indeed saddening that the campaigners invaded the media and desecrated the sanctity of newsrooms; they did not only recruit columnists but succeeded in skewing editorials, cover and lead stories as well as articles in their candidates’ favour.

Interestingly, President Umaru Yar’Adua held tenaciously to his rule of law mantra and refused to be swayed by all those cheap methods and tactics. Mr. President by this singular act has no doubt restored discipline in the Force because seniority and experience could once again count in the Nigeria Police.

In fact, the national acclaim that has continued to trail the appointment of Onovo is a testimony that the President could not have made a better choice. This was also reinforced by the Nigeria Police Council as, according to the Minister of Police Affairs, Alhaji Ibrahim Lame, there was no dissenting voice when the body met last Tuesday to deliberate on the issue.

The new IGP has been variously described in glowing terms. Not a few commentators, particularly within the Force, see him as an upright officer who brooks no truancy or illegality. When the issue of who would replace Okiro raged, Onovo was said to have put his faith in God, insisting that it is only Him who has the power to position any man at His own time.

It was gathered that Onovo had rejected a proposal by a highly placed PDP chieftain from the South East to set up a media team to campaign for him. He had reportedly thanked the man for his concern, but told him that the appointment of IGP was not an ethnic thing, pointing out that when he joined the Force in 1977, he did not have the slightest inkling that he would get to the position of DIG.

That Onovo swarm the murky waters of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) between 1998 and 2000 as Chairman/Chief Executive Officer without being tainted is a pointer that he is a man of character.

Nigerians, who noted that Onovo had shown signs of loyalty and patience, have been applauding his appointment as befitting and well earned, while some others believe that his uprightness and integrity may be the much needed tonic that will transform the Police and restore its lost glory.

And that is the current challenge before Nigeria’s 14th indigenous Inspector General of Police. Generally, the core task facing the new Police boss is how to return the Police to its original duty of crime fighting, security and maintenance of law and order.

Since Onovo assumed office, he has repeatedly reassured Nigerians of his commitment to a crime-free society; as he put it, where they will sleep with two eyes closed.

Informed sources disclosed to this writer that the IGP has mapped out plans to curb crime in the South East, not only because he hails from the region but also because he was the first person from the zone to occupy the office of the IGP.

The spate of armed robbery, kidnapping, militancy, assassinations, extra-judicial killings by police personnel and general insecurity will receive the maximum attention of the Police under Onovo.

TheTask before थे IG

FOR Ogbonna Okechukwu Onovo, his appointment as Acting Inspector General of Police July 22 and subsequent confirmation by the Nigeria Police Council, August 4, capture the age-long saying, that “the patient dog eats the fattest bone”.

Onovo had previously acted, though briefly, as IG of the Nigeria Police Force in 2007, before he was replaced by the last IGP, Mike Okiro. He holds the record of having served three IGPs as a Deputy Inspector General. Even at that he was said to have been faithful and diligent, believing, as it were, that one day he would be rewarded for loyalty and consistency.

So, on July 22, the jinx was actually broken, making him the first of Igbo extraction to attain such a height in the Force, since the civil war ended in 1970.

Regrettably, Onovo’s appointment was almost marred by political and ethnic considerations. Before this period, ethnic considerations and personal loyalty were the major criteria for the most senior appointments in the Police in the past, the result of which was an inefficient and corrupt Police Force.

Little wonder ethnic bigots and politicians reduced the appointment of Okiro’s successor to a mere political issue; making the entire process seem like the usual Nigerian thing; whereby where you hail from and who you know determine your fate.

It was indeed saddening that the campaigners invaded the media and desecrated the sanctity of newsrooms; they did not only recruit columnists but succeeded in skewing editorials, cover and lead stories as well as articles in their candidates’ favour.

Interestingly, President Umaru Yar’Adua held tenaciously to his rule of law mantra and refused to be swayed by all those cheap methods and tactics. Mr. President by this singular act has no doubt restored discipline in the Force because seniority and experience could once again count in the Nigeria Police.

In fact, the national acclaim that has continued to trail the appointment of Onovo is a testimony that the President could not have made a better choice. This was also reinforced by the Nigeria Police Council as, according to the Minister of Police Affairs, Alhaji Ibrahim Lame, there was no dissenting voice when the body met last Tuesday to deliberate on the issue.

The new IGP has been variously described in glowing terms. Not a few commentators, particularly within the Force, see him as an upright officer who brooks no truancy or illegality. When the issue of who would replace Okiro raged, Onovo was said to have put his faith in God, insisting that it is only Him who has the power to position any man at His own time.

It was gathered that Onovo had rejected a proposal by a highly placed PDP chieftain from the South East to set up a media team to campaign for him. He had reportedly thanked the man for his concern, but told him that the appointment of IGP was not an ethnic thing, pointing out that when he joined the Force in 1977, he did not have the slightest inkling that he would get to the position of DIG.

That Onovo swarm the murky waters of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) between 1998 and 2000 as Chairman/Chief Executive Officer without being tainted is a pointer that he is a man of character.

Nigerians, who noted that Onovo had shown signs of loyalty and patience, have been applauding his appointment as befitting and well earned, while some others believe that his uprightness and integrity may be the much needed tonic that will transform the Police and restore its lost glory.

And that is the current challenge before Nigeria’s 14th indigenous Inspector General of Police. Generally, the core task facing the new Police boss is how to return the Police to its original duty of crime fighting, security and maintenance of law and order.

Since Onovo assumed office, he has repeatedly reassured Nigerians of his commitment to a crime-free society; as he put it, where they will sleep with two eyes closed.

Informed sources disclosed to this writer that the IGP has mapped out plans to curb crime in the South East, not only because he hails from the region but also because he was the first person from the zone to occupy the office of the IGP.

The spate of armed robbery, kidnapping, militancy, assassinations, extra-judicial killings by police personnel and general insecurity will receive the maximum attention of the Police under Onovo.

Niger Delta and the Clapperton Accord

Robert K. Greenleaf in his book, The Servant as a Leader says: “Foresight is the ‘Lead’ that the leader has. Once he loses this lead and events start to force his hand, he is a leader in name only.

He is not leading; he is reacting to immediate event and he probably will not long be a leader. Such loss of leadership he says stems from a failure to foresee what reasonably could have been foreseen and from failure to act on that knowledge while the leader has freedom to act”.

The term “Servant Leader” was used by President Umaru Yar’ Adua and some governors of the Niger-Delta region as a major point of campaign before the 2007 general elections and inaugural speeches on assumption of office. Ironically, all the talk about “Servant Leader” may have been deliberately or unconsciously forgotten considering how events have turned out against the people of the region.

That “Servant Leader’ issue created good political sloganeering; fair enough. But for political or economic dividends to the people of the region and the nation at large, it is a failure. Recent events in the region which confirm Robert K. Greenleaf’s statement above would equally justify the later.

When the Federal Government ordered the Joint Task Force (JTF), to fish out so-called “militants” in the Niger Delta region, quite a number of people, led by Chief Edwin Clark, who understand how the leadership of the nation works, called for a stop to the carnage.

In a front page Comment of May 21, 2009, the Vanguard alerted the world to the carnage as it said: “Headlines do not bear the full tales of the misery unleashed on the Niger-Delta, an area that is the epitome of the national neglect that our leaders unconscionably visit on Nigerians…Doubtlessly, the Niger Delta would remain contentious for a long time”.

With temporary understanding, the destructive offensive launched by the JTF on the so called “militants” may soon come to an end. But how long before the over three decades battle resurfaces can only be determined by the sincerity of the leadership of the country. From the latest actions of the leadership of the country, it is difficult to believe that this will (battle to come to an end) happen very soon.

Specifically, references can be made to the “amnesty” to Niger Delta “militants”, a probably deliberate prelude to subsequent media reports that the Federal Government had reversed the upgrade of the Petroleum Training Institute, Effurun, Warri to a University and the stout defense of the N14 billion budget for the construction of the Kaduna Petroleum College.

More offending to the people of the Niger Delta region is the arrogant stand of Dr. Rilwalnu Lukman, Minister for Petroleum who said that “those who do not want the project to be sited in the North should have a re-think as there is nothing they can do to change government’s decision”.

We are beginning to entrench a system where when the North or South is in leadership at the federal level it must reverse all the other party did while in government. Six years from now, if the PDP is still in power and wins, a Southerner would be in power, which means that the nation should expect another turn of reversals. But what bearing does all this have for the future of the country, especially with what looks like foul events unfolding at this time.

The truth remains that there have been precious moments the Federal Government and Niger Delta agitators embraced themselves for peace. But the Federal Government always failed to keep its own promises.

With the recent statements from Dr. Rilwanu Lukman, who belongs to the old order, the brief period of relative hope on the Niger Delta crisis, flown by the on-going amnesty announced by the government is in danger of flickering out. Often, the two sides’ positions have become dangerously entrenched.

This is one of the reasons why the Niger Delta conflict grinds on remorselessly from decade to decade. During eruption of conflicts or violence, the mantra of governors, ministers, legislators, traditional rulers, industrialists, journalists, editorialists, religious leaders, tribal leaders and diplomats amongst others, cry for the need for caution on both sides. Many of them have over time selfishly worked to create stupendous wealth for themselves, their families and friends.

It is difficult to put all blames on the agitators in the region who have long come to realise that the federal government will always fail to meet its promise to the people of the Niger Delta.

The making of a dangerous nation

“SOMETHING startles me where I thought I was safest,I withdraw from the still woods I loved,
I will not go now on the pastures to walk...”– Walt Whitman (1819-1892) in the poem, ‘This Compost’.

IN October 2004, Professor Chinua Achebe told Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s “civilian” ruler at the time, that Nigeria under his watch was unarguably “too dangerous”. That was about five years ago. Today, words would fail anyone, including Achebe himself, to describe Nigeria’s current state.

And if by any stroke of misfortune the 2011 general elections still throw up this same band of (mis)rulers, whose insatiable greed and obscene display of unearned wealth now constitute the greatest and most effective incentive for the prolongation of Nigeria’s current nightmare of kidnapping, violent robberies and ritual murders, what this country will become in the next few years from now is better imagined.

Mid-last month, July 15, 2009, to be precise, the Nigerian Tribune carried a very brief story whose significance may have been lost on many people. At 3.00 am on the Sunday of that week, a thief was caught in the bedroom of Mr. Sule Lamido, the Governor of Jigawa State.

The story, according to the newspaper, has been duly confirmed by the Governor’s Director of Press, Muhammad Sanu Jibrin. Before now, who could have imagined that a thief, any thief, would have been able to violate the sanctity of a governor’s bedroom?

But that has now become part of our history. I won’t be surprised to hear tomorrow that a governor or his wife has been kidnapped and taken to an unknown destination, from the safe confines of the Government House. Given the horribly complicated security situation in this failed state we call our country today, such a possibility already stares everyone in the face.

There is always a huge price to pay when a nation is left in the hands of an irresponsible and wayward elite to do the only thing it knows how to do with it, namely, primitively bleed it pale and callously run it aground. That is today the story of Nigeria. And the situation is becoming horribly complicated.

Those outsmarted in the grab-and-plunder game have taken up arms to get their own share of the cake, provoked mainly by the sudden wealth being flaunted by the “lucky few” with easy access to public funds. Now, the smell of blood and death hangs in the air, like a dreaded epidemic! Fear walks on all fours. Yet, the looters are still busy plundering, hoping to use what they have accumulated to purchase safety and comfort for themselves in the midst of death and destruction. What a foolish thought.

On July 18, 2009, Saturday Independent reported the gruesome murder of two former aides to the Education Minister, Dr. Sam Egwu, at the burial ceremony of the father of a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain in Nnewi, Anambra State. A federal lawmaker, Paulinus Igwe Nwagwu, who was also hit by bullets from the same gunmen, however, still has his life intact, and was at the time of the report receiving medical attention at an undisclosed hospital.

It was even reported that due to “the deadly onslaught of this gang of killers”, Gov Sullivan Chime of Enugu State, and Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, who were already set to attend the funeral in Nnewi became scared and retreated indoors. Do you blame them? When a state fails, not even governors or deputy senate presidents can appear safely in the open, despite the intimidating security apparatus at their disposal.

And make no mistake about it: This can only get worse, the political and ruling elite decides that looting and plundering of commonwealth must not remain inextricably intertwined with gover-nance, and that Nigeria needs to be healed and rebuilt and not continuously gang-raped. Well, the bad (or good) news is that very soon, treasury looters may no longer find any safe ground to ply their lucrative trade.

The words of British clergyman, Willaim Inge, may soon come alive to everyone: “A man may build himself a throne of bayonets, but he can’t sit on it”. Indeed, no one can sow the wind, and expect NOT to reap the whirlwind. Nigeria appears to be the only country where people are busy eating and drinking poison, and yet wishing to live. Our rulers live their whole lives destroying the country, and yet wake up each morning expecting to see it flourishing like a May flower. No, you don’t bring home ant-infested faggots and expect to be excused from the visit of lizards. For goodness sake, Nigeria is too young to die. It has never been this unsafe. And no part of the country is immune.

A couple of weeks ago, on a Friday, a heavily armed gang A couple of weeks ago, on a Friday, a heavily armed gang reportedly raided two commercial banks in Nsukka, Enugu State. They took their time to thoroughly clean out one bank before moving to the other to repeat the same exercise, killing a Divisional Police Officer (DPO) in the process.

While the reign of terror and bullets persisted, no form of resistance came from any quarters. When they were through with the banks, they moved with an even greater fanfare to the Nsukka Police Station, where all the ill-equipped and poorly motivated policemen fled for dear lives.

Then they opened the cells, released all the inmates and razed down the police station. After the robbers had finished their operations and gone, the Enugu State Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), Mr. Ebere Amaraizu, told Saturday Independent (probably from his hideout in Enugu) that the Police Commissioner had dispatched some more policemen to Nsukka to go and help catch the robbers. Nigeria, Great Nation, Good People!

Whether we like it or not, the rise of violent crimes is to a large extent being provoked by the massive, unrestrained looting going on in public institutions. Time was when everyone, including criminal elements among us, watched passively as those in government, their relatives, mistresses and errand boys became rich overnight and obscenely flaunted their ill-gotten wealth before every eye that could see.

Now the situation has changed. Those without access to government coffers now have access to guns. But in their determination to “make it” like their counterparts in government and politics, they are unable to achieve reasonable discrimination between those who acquired wealth by dint of hard work and those who bled the treasury pale.

I have heard it said several times among the populace that if the robbers and kidnappers would direct their efforts solely on those carting away public funds, no one would bat an eyelid. It would then amount to a balance of criminality. They steal from the public; the thieves and kidnappers steal from them! And so long as those outside this godless ring remain untouched in the desperation of the two camps to out-steal each other, no one would complain. Imagine such a reasoning flourishing in supposedly sane country!

Welcome to Nigeria, a country no one wishes to slave or die for. Nigeria is like a collapsing House, cordoned off by the Ruling/Eating Class, who are busy day and night carting away the much they could before it goes down. No one is interested in rebuilding it so it could remain for all of us. But the marginalized out there have taken up arms to force their own portion out of the looters.

There is “war” in the land which might become more complicated, ensuring that there would be no more places to hide. And as 2011 approaches, it is bound to get worse. But why can’t we decide today to halt this massive looting and start rebuilding Nigeria? If graduates get jobs tomorrow, will they steal and kidnap? We better open our eyes to the stark reality of today’s Nigeria and act fast to fix our country for the safety of both the ruler and ruled. But if we continue pigheadedly on this path of perdition, even a blind man can see what this place will become tomorrow

Awards and Nigeria's troubled banks

The biggest casualty in the on-going crisis in the banks is the confidence that the ordinary man holds in the bank of his or her choice, but the integrity questions, which are being raised would require answers and explanations even from players outside the banking industry. It is a fact that the affected five banks enjoyed not just wide patronage but also the endorsement of the media, rating agencies and even the same Central Bank of Nigeria which passed the books and occasionally organized awards where it decorated the banks and commended them for efficient performance. Beyond the figures, and the trading of accusations in the last 48 hours, perhaps a close look needs to be taken, as part of a learning curve, at the place of awards and endorsements in the rating of institutions in the financial sector.

How? A bank with a shelf-load of local and international awards necessarily inspires confidence with the unwary customer made to believe that the awards carry much weight, and that they are clear evidence of the strength and dependability of the affected institution. But to then wake up overnight to be told that the same institution is shaky, and that its superstar managers are unreliable, can result in such psychological turmoil among customers and investors, the extent of which can be measured in the present instance in due course. The integrity of the awarding institution is, needless to state, also called into question. In a country where awards, like chieftaincy titles, have both social and cultural significance, this point may well be apposite.

In an attempt to double-check this line of inquiry, I had attempted a random review of some of the awards and commendations that some of the affected banks received in the last two years. In 2006, 2007 and 2008 Oceanic Bank was named the Bank of the Year in Nigeria by the Banker Magazine, a special publication of the Financial Times of London. Now, the Banker Magazine has been in the business of monitoring global financial intelligence since 1926. It is said to be "internationally recognised and acclaimed".

Last year, EMEA Finance, a UK based financial intelligence magazine also named Oceanic the best bank in Nigeria. Other achievements advertised by Oceanic Bank include being the 5th bank in Africa and 310th in the world in terms of Tier 1 Capital. Oceanic is also a recipient of CBN awards, and of an AA rating by both Agusto and Co and Global Credit Rating (South Africa). Intercontinental Bank as at July 2008 also claimed that it was among the world's top 500 banks and the second fastest growing bank in the world. Other awards include the Pearl Award for Sectoral Leadership in Banking and the best performing bank in the Nigerian Stock Market as at 2006. Also in the Intercontinental Bank resume is a Fitch Rating of B+.

According to Fitch, Intercontinental Bank is a "Low risk financial institution". This was in October 2008. The African Banker Magazine further named Intercontinental, The African Bank of the Year 2008, and as recently as October 2008, it became the Financial Brand of the Year 2008 according to the World Bank/IMF/ Renaissance Group awards. The managers of the bank boasted about becoming the number one bank in Nigeria and among the top 100 in the world by the year 2010! Similarly, Union Bank paraded a Fitch Ratings classification of A+ and F1 with the remark that this was for the bank's "strongest capacity for timely payment of financial commitments." The same Banker Magazine that seemed to feature in nearly every Nigerian bank's award list gave Union Bank an international rating of 502. Finbank may not parade many awards. Africa Report magazine which in June 2009 examined bad habits and stock market bubble in Nigeria's financial sector rated Afribank, "satisfactory." A month earlier, the senior management of Afribank visited the Edo state governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. The comrade-Governor was so impressed with whatever he must have been told by Sebastian Adigwe and his team, that he spoke as follows: "key issue in banking is trust. Confidence is enhanced if you know the people behind an institution and can vouch for their character, I have confidence in Afribank's Board."

A most convenient cynical response is to dismiss both local and international endorsements of Nigerian banks even as recently as October 2008 and June 2009, as "arranged", or "organised " or based on "narrow criteria." But the evidence suggests that these events were taken as serious business within the industry and that the achievement sent reassuring signals to the shareholders and customers of the affected institutions. For example, The African Banker Awards 2008 was administered by a distinguished panel of judges; the nominees included banks from Morocco, Mozambique, Tanzania and South Africa.

At the award ceremony in Washington DC, United States, the chief Economist of the World Bank, Africa Region, Shantayanna Devajaran reportedly said: "2008 African Banker Awards give Africans and its investment allies opportunity to acknowledge the contributions African banks have made to African development over the years and to hopefully inspire even greater performance and investment in the years ahead." Such award ceremonies always saw many bank chiefs leaving town and traveling abroad with a retinue of well-wishers. Even CBN directors were not left out of the shuttle.

At the event under reference, then CBN Governor Professor Charles Soludo, seeing Nigerian banks and bankers taking all the top awards was so excited, he reportedly remarked: "recent developments in the global financial system have not affected African banks adversely and no African bank has either collapsed or suffered as a result of the crisis." This according to Soludo "underlies the resilience of African banks," adding that "the awards to the banks confirm their stability." (ThisDay, October 16, 2008, pp. 1 and 8). He is further quoted as having said: "What the rest of the world is now trying to do as the bailout option was what Nigeria did about four years ago, through pro-active initiative, the result of which we are celebrating today." Less than a year later, we are awaken to the reality that the banks are not so stable after all in Nigeria. The celebration is over!

What has gone wrong is a question that has not yet been fully communicated and since the initial disclosures, the CBN has not taken enough charge of the situation and it must do so in a transparent manner so it does not end up raising questions about the integrity of its procedures. Engaging in a shouting match with alleged debtors and aggrieved bankers could result in the kind of politicking that could derail what is clearly a desirable house-cleaning exercise. But the larger integrity questions must now be thrown in the direction of the panel of judges in charge of the so-called CBN awards, the Banker magazine awards, the African Banker Awards, and all those awards organized by local media organizations. It is ironic seeing the same media houses reporting the current debacle and rephrasing their headlines to suit the occasion. The web that has been spun points in the direction of a multi-faceted conspiracy against the shareholder and customer as well as high-level compromise.

One caveat though: award committees may have relied only on financial statements, doctored carefully and designed to impress both the international audience and the regulators, and this stealthily becomes the basis for assessment. But even if outsiders were fooled, how about CBN directors who also took tables at the special dinners where those awards were presented? Didn't they know the truth? Or the truth did not matter since those trips came with fat estacodes? Subsequently, they watched as the same awards were used to win public confidence and brand equity.

Some of the award-giving institutions and the rating agencies were almost always described as financial intelligence organizations. Their ability to look beyond the offered statements and ratios, provide correct forecasts and consider unstated qualitative factors is now suspect. One of the initial lessons that should be learnt in all of this is that those awards which formed the substance of pages of advertorials and self-congratulation cocktails may not be so true after all. Depositors and shareholders must now learn that what the banks, stock market managers, external auditors, and all those rating agencies say can no longer be taken too seriously. The golden rule, despite the CBN's current assurances, is a caveat emptor: let the buyer beware.

Tasks before the new CBN Deputy Governor

THE Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has completed an audit of 10 out of 24 banks, of which only five banks scaled through. Consequently, the Managing Directors (MDs) and Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) of the affected five banks were fired, followed by an injection of about $2.6 billion in convertible loan to stabilize the affected banks and preserve public confidence.

As at now, the government has injected funds and guarantee loans of the 'Five'. However, this should be seen as a temporary rather than an ultimate solution. Account cooking might actually increase as other banks may risk insolvency in the future, believing that the government can always bail them out when in distress. Injection of funds should be considered a temporary measure pending determination of an exit plan, either through merger and acquisition or failure.

That the CBN governor has acted swiftly and decisively in restoring confidence in the banking sector does not automatically imply that the issues facing the banking sector are now fully resolved. Rather the CBN response provided an avenue to more appreciate the degree of regulatory failure and inadequate corporate governance in the Nigerian banking industry.

The CBN response is a vindication of the positions that have been long expressed by local commentators and public policy analysts calling to question whether all is well with the Nigerian banking sector. For example, questions have been raised as to the actual state of health of the banks, which hitherto had been shrouded in secrecy with guesswork being completely at work.

Even as questions were being raised, both the banks and the CBN have had to debunk the visible indications that accounts of many of the bank might actually be in the red. But one would hesitate discountenance their defense given the billions of Naira in profit that these banks often declare quarterly or half yearly. One wonders whether these banks compete on the basis of such declarations, albeit falsehoods. Many of the banks have won awards within and outside the country, while their ratings had soared higher. The public now knows better. What can be inferred from the CBN governor's sacking the 5 bank CEOs is an admittance that Nigerian banks tend to be reckless. A great deal of banks' problems has been traced to unsafe exposure to margin loan. Banks gave out loans in excess of their single obligor limit. Often most of these loans are either backed by inadequate collaterals or dubious collaterals. Although who a particular bank grants its loans to is its business, but it is a core banking practice that must meet some regulatory procedures. In this case, strengthening the quality of credit risk analysis and moderate the size of exposure of individual bank is equally important.

More specifically, the signal that the affected banks were indeed distressed relates to their transactions at the CBN's Expanded Discount Window (EDW). The EDW enables banks borrow funds for a longer period (e.g. as long as 360 days) as against the overnight arrangement that was in place previously, which ultimately allowed banks easy access to funds anytime they are in need. According to the CBN governor, the affected five banks accounted for 90% of the whole of EDW transactions, whereas their non-performing loans stand at about 40% of the total for the whole industry. Thus, if five of 10 banks that have undergone comprehensive audit failed, that the remaining 14 banks will scale through is less obvious.

The argument that the signs of distress in the affected banks started only a few months earlier is misplaced. Rather, the crisis reveals severe shortcomings in corporate governance of the Nigerian financial institutions generally and the banks in particular. There seems to have been a systematic cover-up and failure of the regulatory bodies to perform their required functions. Potential bank failures have not been acknowledged.

Credibility has always been an issue in the banking sector. Defective supervision of the banks has brought the crisis of confidence into the banking industry. Also, the apparent unethical and unprofessional camaraderie that characterised the regulators and industry operators has compromised regulators and made effective supervision weak.

The ownership and management structure of Nigeria Banks appears to be structurally defective. This ought to be addressed. Some banks are built around certain individuals (e.g. MDs/CEOs). This provides incentives for such individuals to exercise excessive power in those banks. In theory, shareholders own those banks but it is oligarchy in practice. In Nigeria, such individuals have been seen to be very powerful to the extent of manipulating shareholders. Not a few thought the CEOs actually owned their banks because they were seen competing for political relevance with politicians at the expense of their banks. The role of the regulator has been less obvious in this regard.

The above suggest that the existing regulatory framework have failed to provide the checks and balances that banks need in order to cultivate sound finance and banking practices. Thus the crisis can be seen as a crisis of corporate governance. The appointment of Dr. Kingsley Moghalu as a Deputy Governor (pending Senate confirmation) is expected to put improved corporate governance at the centre of banking practices in Nigeria. In this regard, he will have to rise over and beyond mere slogans and be a problem solver as his profile shows.

Good and improved corporate governance is a key element to the integrity of Nigerian financial institutions and markets, and central to their health and stability. A key task before the deputy CBN governor is to institute a reform of regulatory framework emphasising greater corporate governance in the finance and banking sector. This will involve a set of processes, policies, laws, and institutions to affect the way the banks are directed, administered and/or controlled.

Also, the principal stakeholders will include the shareholders,

management, the board of directors, and the public. An important public

policy element here is to recognise a set of interrelationships among

these stakeholders and the goals for which they are governed. For example,

the corporate governance system should ensure the accountability of

certain individuals (E.g. MDs/CEOs) in individual banks through mechanisms that reduce or eliminate agency problems. Agency problems in the banking industry arises when the banks act on behalf of the shareholders/customers under conditions of incomplete and asymmetric information such that MDs/CEOs pursue own self-interests rather than the interests of those they represent. Independent reports, public disclosure procedures, and public information about the state of health of banks can potentially eliminate agency problems and positively impact on the efficiency and competition of the banks. The ultimate effect is a regulatory framework that enhances public welfare.

Obviously, regulation and supervision alone might not completely make the business of finance and banking less risky. However, through effective corporate governance, it is expected that Moghalu's office will ensure that taking excessive risks becomes less frequent, less costly, and not a drain on public purse.

Collapse of FG-ASUU talks

LAST week, the Federal Government of Nigeria, by the action of its appointed agent, the Deacon Gamaliel Onosode-led Committee engaged since 2006 in negotiation with the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), walked out on ASUU negotiators and vowed not to return unless and until the university teachers suspend their strike now in its third month. Said Mr. Onosode "....the government team is not in a position to continue further negotiations with the union until it suspends its strike..." To which the ASUU national President, Prof. Ukachukwu Awuzie, gave the riposte: 'we are not going to call off the strike until they sign the agreement'.

This week, acting through its agency - the National Universities Commission (NUC), the government went a step further in its hard line posture, by directing authorities of the federal universities to enforce a 'no work no pay' policy on the striking teachers in order to, according to the minister of education Dr. Sam Egwu, force the teachers back into the class room.

In effect, an on-going, albeit long-drawn negotiation process has been brought to a dead end by no less an entity than the highest governing authority in the land. Besides, the government seems to want to appear to act firm by wielding the big stick against the weaker party in the dispute. It is quite possible that state governments will follow this unhelpful example. It is wrong for a government to pull out of a negotiation process with a legitimate group of its citizens for whatever reason. It is undignifying and we are disappointed no end; the issue on ground cannot be resolved through such extremism.

Now, it is hard to see what a walkout from the negotiation table will achieve - except to make discussion impossible, raise the stakes and prolong the dispute with even worse negative social consequences. But on the other hand, ASUU cannot possibly keep its members at home indefinitely. The issue in dispute has been reduced by the government to an employer/employee level whereby, ASUU is asked to go sort out its grievances with the respective governing councils of the universities, including such larger and critically important issues as government budgetary allocation, university autonomy and academic freedom, in addition to conditions of service which is a labour matter listed as item 34 in the Exclusive Legislative List of the constitution. But these are policy issues that are, in all honesty, beyond the separate governing councils. They touch on the macro-management of university education. Is it too much for the Federal Government to establish a holistic framework and define the basic parameters and requirements for a functional and globally competitive university education for Nigeria? We do not think so. And is it beyond the government at the centre to also outline the necessary financing details and policy implementation? Again, no, in our considered view. So we think that the Federal Government must assume its due responsibility to lead the way. And this is a key provision in the yet to be signed agreement and it is not cast in stone.

Whatever agreement that may be reached, ASUU's Prof. Ukachukwu Awuzie, is quoted to have said, is for the state governments 'to adopt as they deem appropriate to meet the minimum standards set by NUC for the system'.

It is disingenuous, and a derogation of the process and the issues, to ask ASUU to go and conclude with the respective governing councils a process that originated and has continually been conducted with a Federal Government that largely determines the composition of the councils and ipso facto wields considerable influence. That is the reason for instance that the NUC regulates standards in all the universities - federal and non-federal; that is also why the Federal Government plays a leading role in the formulation of the National Policy on Education.

The governors failed in their responsibility by not offering fresh ideas to resolve the problem at hand. They may be right that in a true federal system, the federal government cannot negotiate with their workers on their behalf. But again, it is less than honest to pick and choose when to adopt this stance. The governors and other political office holders have never spoken against their uniform salaries and remunerations that are fixed by a central body controlled by the federal government, in breach of fiscal federalism.

The hard-line posture of both parties will do no one, not the least our children, any good. Therefore, both must get back forthwith to the negotiating table, shift position, find and implement minimum areas of agreement. Also, ASUU members should, as intellectuals who deal in facts and figures, advance concrete suggestions on how their demands can be realistically implemented. Nigerians are tired of the repetitive display by both sides of a combination of immaturity and abject paucity of negotiating skills.

The gospel according to Hillary

PERHAPS, I should begin by saying that I have never been a fan of Mrs. Hillary Clinton, the U.S. Secretary of State, and the reason is simple. I perceive her as someone who's very calculating and arrogant. She carries on with an astonishingly high level of omniscience that tends to arrogate to her and indeed the Clinton clan the magic wand for solving all of America's problems.

These clearly came through during her face-off with Barack Obama, now her boss, during the DNC presidential primaries. Well, all of that is now water under the bridge, as she has literally swallowed her pride and taken up a position under Obama (pardon the pun). But I have never doubted her brilliance and remarkable candour. These attributes did come through during her eight-year career as First Lady of the United States, and now as she traverses the world, selling and defending the U.S. foreign policies. If you ever watched her town hall sessions in Nairobi, Kenya, Kinshasa, DRC, and Abuja, Nigeria, you will appreciate the point I am trying to make.

There was something remarkable at each session. In Kenya, she playfully turned down an offer from one of the attendees to pay her the dowry for her daughter, Chelsea. While in DRC, she lost her cool at an obvious misinterpretation of a question (asked in French), which mistakenly sought her comments about her husband's view on an issue rather than that of President Obama.

In Abuja, she proved a handful for her hosts, because she seized the moment to tell the leadership of the country some gospel truth. It actually started in Kenya, where she regretted that, as the fifth largest producer of oil in the world, Nigeria has nothing to show for it - which is true. My friend, Karl Maier, in his book This House has fallen, expressed similar sentiments and put it down to visionless leadership driven by greed and avarice. And that was the kernel of Mrs. Clinton's message to Nigerians and those running the affairs of the country.

According to her, the most immediate source of disconnect between Nigeria's enviable wealth and its staggering poverty is a failure of governance at the federal, state and local levels. While this truism is not new knowledge to Nigerians, it has become important for such a high level international personage to tell our pretentious leadership the whole truth and nothing but the truth. I don't know about you, but there are times when I get the feeling that there is no leadership in Nigeria. Otherwise, how could true leaders sit idly by, like Pharaoh, fiddling while Rome, nay Nigeria is burning. There is absolutely no sense of urgency in the way and manner some of the leaders go about their job, even when it is crystal clear that our desperate conditions require desperate measures. The lackadaisical attitude of the mostly self-imposed leaders definitely belies the enormity of the problems at hand.

Mrs. Clinton not unexpectedly spoke with neither fear nor favour on the tendentious issue of corruption. This could not have been stated any better and any more bluntly. Now in Nigeria, one gets the feeling that the prevailing political system is "kleptocracy" and not democracy, as we are made to believe. Several people, who should otherwise be cooling their heels behind bars, are pounding the corridors of power with flagrant impudence. As a consequence, young people have lost patience with the government of the day and have now elected to take the laws into their hands through misguided militancy, kidnapping for ransom and outright armed robbery. Today, Nigeria has become more or less a theatre of the absurd and a country under siege. Insecurity has become the order of the day, and night.

What's the way out? Mrs. Clinton had two popular suggestions: Reform the electoral system expeditiously and bring back the era of earnest anti-corruption. In making these interventions, Mrs. Clinton knew exactly what she was talking about, because she comes from a system where criminals are never set free once they breach the "11th commandment": thou shall not get caught. In the United States, as it used to be in Nigeria in the years of yore, "everyday is for the thief and one day is for the owner of the house". But all such historical antecedents in dealing with corruption and corrupt people have paled into insignificance with the infiltration of government by reputable criminals. They not only sustain their invidiously nefarious activities, they go to great lengths to protect their own. Such is the leadership conundrum we have found ourselves in as Nigerians - a situation of cats taking care of rats (both of them thieves).

While there is no gainsaying the fact that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) under Olusegun Obasanjo was too high-handed and fairly unorthodox in the way it combated corruption, it is incontrovertible that the commission in its current form is way too subservient and controlled. Placed on a see-saw with the Ribadu era, the current EFCC looks like a toothless bulldog just there to fulfill all righteousness. As far as I know, not much has been done to prevent government officials from stealing. So, it is important to apprehend and punish those who steal as a deterrent to intending thieves. Therefore, Clinton stated that "we (the U.S.) want to see the reinstatement of a vigorous corruption commission. The EFCC, which was doing well, has kind of fallen off in the last one year. We will like to see it come back to business to be able to partner with us." End of story!

The other point Madam addressed is that of electoral reform, which government officials are paying lip service, at best. A Catholic priest once told me that he rescued a ballot box after a fracas at a polling station within the precincts of his parish in 1999. One decade after, the ballot box is still nestling the church altar and nobody has had the courage to come and claim it despite his frequent calls for such. Meanwhile, someone was declared winner and has gone ahead to "represent" the people in government. Not a surprise, you would say, but it is a point to ponder when discussing electoral reforms.

During my more reflective moments, which have become more frequent in the last year or so, I wonder what drives people in government. One would not need to consult a soothsayer to know that what motivates people (or should motivate people) to run for elective positions in government is service, service to the people. So, when one sees people in government coasting around heedlessly without showing any serious concern about the situation of the people, one begins to wonder what fires our own breed of politicians into gracelessness...and wickedness.

I work for a company that also has an operation in Malawi, one of the poorest countries in the world, according to World Bank statistics. Malawi is probably comparable in size to Ogun State and half of Lagos demographically, but it is doing much better than Nigeria in several respects. Take electricity, for instance. While our company's Nigerian operation functions with five per cent public power and 95 per cent privately generated electricity, Malawi conversely operates with 95 per cent public power supply and about five per cent private power generation. Isn't that ridiculous? Isn't that heart breaking? Yet the likes of Senate President David Mark proudly proclaim that all is well with Nigeria!

So, Mrs. Clinton has come and gone, but our problems as a people will remain our problems, as she says. Nobody will come from the U.S. or any other country to resolve our challenges for us. At best, they will make suggestions. It, therefore, behoves our leaders to have a change of heart and begin to do what they are sworn to do in government. As for the people of Nigeria, we need to shake off the unfortunate, repulsive culture of being long-suffering. It is said that if you push a Nigerian to the wall, he (or she) will break the wall to get away - instead of the time-tested practice of reacting (or rather protesting), when pushed to the wall, which even animals do. We need to adopt or imbibe the culture of protestation, in our own interest.

Five-star hospitals: Pie in the sky?

Minister of Health, Prof. Babatunde Osotimehin, says all forms of medical treatment hitherto sought abroad will be a thing of the past from 2010, as the Federal Government has concluded arrangements to convert four tertiary health institutions to five-star hospitals.

According to the minister, the hospitals, which would possess facilities obtainable in overseas countries, include University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital (UNTH), Enugu, Ahmadu Bello University Teaching Hospital (ABUTH), Zaria, and the National Hospital, Abuja.

The five-star hospitals, distributed in four zones of the country representing the South-West, South East, Far North and North Central, are expected to take-off with the passage of the 2010 national budget.

How we wish this dream is based on solid reality, and is not mere pie in the sky. How glorious and edifying it would have been, if we can truly achieve such grand vision by 2010, as articulated by Prof. Osotimehin. But we have serious doubts, grave reservations, about the attainability of the quest.

Can a nation in this epoch ever run functional clinics, not to talk of five-star hospitals, without adequate electricity? That would be the eighth wonder of the world. Already, government is engaged in doublespeak over its promise to deliver at least 6,000 megawatts of electricity by December this year, and 10,000mw by December 2010, saying the Niger Delta problem may derail the vision. Even if the 10,000mw target is achieved, it will still be far below the national requirement for uninterrupted power supply. How then do we run the five-star hospitals without power? We hope Prof. Osotimehin was not making mere political statements, which will not do his status as an academic any good. Without stable power, the idea is doomed to be stillborn.

Again, our hopes are not buoyed when we remember the many targets that had been set by this country, and which were accompanied by slogans that turned out to be mere mantra. We had Health for All by the Year 2000. Housing for All by the Year 2000, Vision 2010, which has since transmuted to Vision 2020. And many others. What reason do we have to believe that the five-star hospitals vision would not be dimmed like the ones before it?

Moreso, government has not put anything concrete on ground to attain the vision, other then the desire expressed by the minister. Such lofty goals are never accomplished by mere wishing. And we have no cause to believe that the minister is not only operating in the realm of wishes.
Equally, the current state of the four targeted hospitals, show that the plan may have failed ab initio. For instance, from a Centre of Excellence as designated by the World Health Organization in the 1980s, the UCH has fallen into an abysmal state of decay and disrepair.

Basic facilities are no longer available, the manpower is dispirited and disgruntled. Of course, the place is almost always in pitch darkness, with no public power supply, and the generators working in fits and starts. The three other designated hospitals do not fare better. What magic or miracle would then happen between now and 2010 to turn them into five-star hospitals? We don’t see it, at least not by a sudden flight, as Osotimehin suggests.

Ending foreign medical treatment is a move in the right direction, and the policy must first be enforced with regards to public office holders. By errors of omission or commission, they leave our hospitals comatose, and hop into aeroplanes at the slightest symptoms of catarrh or headache, leaving ordinary people with life-threatening ailments to vegetate in poorly equipped public health institutions. We support the desire to outlaw foreign treatments, if only it would compel better attention for our state of medicare. It, however, calls for scrupulous planning and diligent execution.

We will be delighted to have five-star hospitals dotting all the geo-political zones in the country, but then, the vision must be targetted at a realistic date. What made minister Osotimehin to pick 2010, when there is absolutely nothing done yet? Is there anything wrong if such laudable vision is projected for another five years or more? Next year is definitely not a realistic date, not scientific, not pragmatic, and the visioner(s) must accept this.

To attain five-star status for the listed hospitals by next year, funds must be allocated in billions to acquire equipment. The VAMED controversy is yet unresolved, with the hospitals claiming that multi-million dollar equipment are either not installed, or not functioning. We must get to the bottom of this first, before more funds are committed to what may indeed be a bottomless pit.
Five-star hospitals, yes, but by 2010, no. We cannot achieve the target. Self-delusion is the greatest kind of deceit, and we should stop indulging in such.

No to Social Responsibility Tax

A Corporate Social Respon-sibility (CSR) Bill is currently going through the legislative process at the Senate. The bill seeks to set up a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Commission, which will supervise CSR activities in Nigeria, and also make it mandatory for firms to pay no less than 3.5% of their profit before tax to meet their CSR obligations.
Sponsors of the bill argue that it will address the poor attitude of firms to corporate social responsibility caused by “lack of adequate laws to regulate their behaviour and compel positive responsible response to the community; and lack of a supervisory authority to enforce the laws.”
According to them, the bill will create a standard for social responsibility for corporate organisations that is consistent with international standards.
We are vehemently opposed to the bill, particularly the social responsibility tax. And there are many reasons for any well-meaning Nigerian or investor to call for extreme caution over such a bill that is inconsiderate of the operational circumstances of corporate bodies in Nigeria.
First, the claim that the bill will make social responsibility for firms consistent with international standards is faulty. Corporate Social Responsibility, although voluntary, has become a deliberate inclusion of public interest into corporate decision-making. It is a common practice of corporate self-regulation integrated into a business model.
Giving back to a community part of the profits of companies that operate there, has become a given as a result of global social pressure on corporate bodies to accept responsibility for the impact of their activities on the environment, consumers, employees, communities, stakeholders and all other members of the public.
Also corporate bodies would proactively promote the public interest by encouraging community growth and development.
Although, the sponsors of the bill may be right to say that not all firms in Nigeria are alive to their corporate social responsibility, all major companies have embraced the practice.
Second, to supplant government’s responsibilities to the people with corporate social responsibility as the case is in parts of the Niger Delta, which some senators have cited, is unfair. In many parts of the Niger Delta, the little development the communities experience is through the oil companies. Government presence is not felt in these areas at all. That is in spite of the creation of local government areas.
In the case of the oil industry, the federal government takes about 90 per cent of the proceeds on the sale of every barrel of oil. A large part of the money shared according to the revenue allocation formula to the three tiers of government is from this source. And we believe it would be a worthwhile exercise for the Senate to follow up how this money is spent.
Three, the multiplicity of taxes in the country is common knowledge. Companies in Nigeria are some of the most taxed companies in the world. And adding a social responsibility tax will be an overkill. Nigerian companies pay between 20-30 per cent of their profit as tax (about 90 per cent for oil producing companies), as well as withholding tax (10 per cent) capital gains tax (5 per cent), Education tax (2 per cent) and VAT (5 per cent). In addition to that are the multiple taxes, some of them rather funny, levied by the states and local governments in the name of internal revenue generation.
Four, one would have thought that in seeking to add to the tax burden of the companies, the Senate would have examined the operating conditions of the private sector. The model for private sector – led growth assumes an enabling environment for business to thrive. Presently, companies that wish to thrive in Nigeria have to provide own villages- with functional socio-economic infrastructure. The poor power supply situation alone has increased cost of production by some 40 per cent for some companies. And that is so for those whose operations are big enough to survive the harsh conditions. Even before the global economic meltdown, firms were shutting down in their hundreds.
So indeed, in times like this, one would have thought that improving the operating conditions of business to attract more investment and to ensure that existing companies do not close down, should be of greater concern to government.
Five, considering the high level of corruption in some commissions, we are not persuaded that the commission will not be another opportunity for people to line their pockets. Indeed the effectiveness of some of these commissions is in doubt. For example, looking at the state of education in the country, it is difficult to see the value addition the two percent education tax has made to the standard of education in this country.
Lastly, we share the view that some of the roles of the proposed commission are a duplication of those of some existing agencies.
For the reasons cited above, and many more we are constrained by space to cite, we believe that the Senate should do well to spare the country this additional burden to corporate bodies and one more public bureaucracy for possible corruption. But if the Senate wishes to go ahead, we advise that it looks elsewhere for the commission’s funding.

Unwieldy number of political parties

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) recently registered four new political parties, thus bringing the total number to 54. The commission says it is yet considering the applications of some others for registration.

The new parties which joined the existing 50 are United National Party for Nigeria (UNPN), National Movement of Progressive Party (NMPP), Kowa Party (KP), and Peoples for Democratic Change (PDC).

INEC acted within the ambit of the law by registering the political parties, as an extant court ruling forbids the commission from withholding due recognition to any aspiring party, as long as such meets the laid down rules and regulations. One can hardly, therefore, lay the blame for the unwieldy number of parties at the doorstep of INEC.

However, INEC itself will admit the herculean task of conducting elections in one day, with a largely illiterate electorate. To identify the logo of the parties was a problem, and votes were either unwittingly cast for the wrong parties, or invalidated outright. Now, with the growing number of parties, there is really cause for worry.

By the end of the last general election, it was crystal clear that a large number of the 50 political parties were mushrooms, as they could not acquit themselves creditably at the polls. Many did not even present candidates for key positions, while those who did, performed perilously. Shouldn’t we then have a natural process of weeding out incompetent political parties? Shouldn’t those who score below a certain percentage of votes then exist as just political associations, and not full-blown parties?
There is the suspicion that some parties have emerged simply to collect the take-off grant due to them by law, and after that, withdraw into their shells till the next grant is due.

This is unconscionable, and will do our democracy no good. Our democracy, despite turning 10 years recently, is in dire need of depth and growth. Having weak, puny parties, proliferating all over the place, will not help the process.

Again, having these ineffective, paperweight parties, gives undue influence to the leviathan Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the much vaunted largest party in Africa, to dominate the political space unduly. Can’t these smaller groups all coalesce into one main party, which can then become a worthy opposition to the PDP? The onus is on our politicians and fledgling parties to take up the gauntlet. Unless they get their acts right, the PDP will continue to ride rough shod, bestriding the political landscape like a colossus, and make good its vow to rule the nation for at least 60 years.

A cursory look at the 54 parties we now have, and even their nomenclatures, indicates a lack of seriousness. Some of the names are not creative, and already shows a lack of seriousness on the part of the promoters. Should we then be saddled with such, willy-nilly? It is not too late to amend the electoral reforms bill before the National Assembly to put in provisions, which will naturally whittle down the number of parties, based on performance at the polls. Freedom to exist as parties cannot be absolute, and there must equally be freedom to let the weak parties die, so that the political space is not just clogged up for no reason.

Our aspiring political parties should realise that they can still make impact on the system without necessarily being a distinct party. They can look for existing ones, which share their philosophy, and prosecute their agenda on such platform.
Can’t we even categorize our parties according to their strengths, and allow them to run for elections, based on such? Some large democracies do this, and we may tinker with our electoral laws to allow same. Democracy needs a lot of work to grow, and must apply ourselves scrupulously to it. Let’s have an audit of the 50 parties that existed as at the last elections, and let’s know those who are worth their salt, and those who should yield their space for new entrants.

Federal government and the Niger Delta

OIL was first discovered in the Niger Delta in 1956. In 1957 the Willinks Commission was asked by the colonial government to study the overall circumstances of the Niger Delta people including their fears, habitat and prospects. It found the Niger Delta 'poor, backward and neglected'. Today, 52 years after, the Niger Delta is still poor, backward and neglected.

Surely half a century is long enough time during which the wrongs done in the Niger Delta should have been corrected with forward-looking policies and programmes. It just seems wrong that an area that is responsible for 95 per cent of the country's foreign exchange earnings should be subjected to dreadful isolation and poverty. As we have pointed out in previous editorials the Niger Delta is a very difficult and somewhat unfriendly terrain with swamps and environmental degradation. The problems of the area have been exacerbated by oil and gas exploration that have ruined and altered the people's way of life.

Successive Nigerian governments have been seeking ways and means of addressing the situation. They have created many commissions and committees culminating in the creation of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). But the NDDC has been under-funded, corrupted and politicised, making it an ineffective change agent. On top of this, government has created a new Ministry of Niger Delta that is not situated in the Niger Delta. So far the impact of this ministry has been minimal and many say that it is just another layer of bureaucracy to squander yet more resources of the Niger Delta. With increasing militancy and oil theft in the Niger Delta the federal government has granted amnesty to the insurgents and even promised cash rewards in exchange for arms.

Collectively all these measures have proved too little too late. This is why the insurgency in the Niger Delta remains a sore point and the anticipated peace following a 60-day truce tenuous. The federal government ought to be looking for a master stroke that shows both a seriousness of purpose and a determination to look into the root causes of the insurgency.

Of recent several actions of the federal government have caused some disquiet in the Niger Delta and cast doubt on the success of the amnesty programme. First was the purported removal of the Petroleum Training Institute in Effurun, near Warri in Delta State, to create a University of Petroleum in Kaduna, Kaduna State. There are several versions of this story but in an environment of double-speak and obfuscation, it may well be that Effurun is being downgraded at the same time as Kaduna is upgraded.

This is not the first time that the Niger Delta people have been cheated of their rights. The siting of a refinery in Kaduna, thousands of kilometres away from any oil well is a prime example of the insensitivity of government to the needs and aspirations of the people of the Niger Delta. The real intention behind the new university must be to make Kaduna the hub of petroleum education and expertise in Nigeria. Rilwanu Lukman, the Minister of Petroleum, has revealed that the Kaduna project will 'train senior management personnel who are transiting to general management in NNPC'. Is the Niger Delta undeserving of this honour?

Secondly, the amnesty programme of President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua has provoked anger among the governors of the Niger Delta who accuse the federal government of having no post-amnesty plan. For this and for the removal of the petroleum university from Effurun to Kaduna they have threatened to pull out of the amnesty programme. This is a curious occurrence. Does this mean that the federal government has not been consulting the governors of the South-South in all those policies affecting the people of the Niger Delta? The confusion is endless as ministers and members of the federal executive council from the Niger Delta apparently do not support the position of their governors and the public outcry of their people over the demotion of Effurun.

Lastly there is the new Petroleum Bill that offers little or no protection to the indigenous population of the Niger Delta. The communities who suffer the greatest impact of oil exploration appear to be ignored in the bill. The federal government's response to critics of the bill is unsatisfactory as it has shown unwillingness to address the issues raised. Instead, it has referred all aggrieved parties to the National Assembly.

It is perhaps for these reasons that South-South senators, students, and other activists are calling for the removal of Rilwanu Lukman. Some have said that Muhammed Sanusi Barkindo, Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) should also go. His recent personnel changes so extravagantly advertised in the media has aroused suspicion on account of its lopsidedness.

Those who claim that the federal government has been insincere in relating to the people of the Niger Delta have a point. They should not be treated as if they are less Nigerian than the rest of us. Their involvement with the oil sector should be participatory, not peripheral. Actually the fears of the minorities in the Niger Delta would have been allayed if Nigeria practised true federalism in which its component units, responsible for their own resources, contributed to the common good in a federation. This was the situation at independence. Now the Niger Delta is grudgingly allocated 13 per cent of the oil revenue which they hardly ever receive in full. The NDDC also suffers from inadequate funding.

We call on the federal government to look at the Niger Delta question with a fresh mindset. Today criminality has assailed the area with one million barrels of oil stolen daily. No country can afford this amount of haemorrhage even in good times. Fiscal federalism all over the country should be the way to go.

The Ledum Mittee Technical Committee on the Niger Delta for instance recommended an increase from the present 13 per cent to 25 per cent revenue for the Niger Delta. Government has remained silent on this. The point is that the land from which oil or any other mineral and agricultural resource is extracted must belong to the people who own it and who must be awarded the same percentage of revenue allocation as is contemplated for the Niger Delta.

Hakuna Matata, Oyin ni o, Oyato joo!

IF there is ever a defender of African governance and governments, bad as it may seem, I think I can qualify as one such defender. It may not be in the furious patriotic manner that David Mark or an Akunyili would want all patriots to be. All the same, I am a die-hard Nigerian and I live in the diaspora and I love my country, I no go die. Having travelled extensively in the West, East and the Far East, some Nigerians queuing up at the foreign Embassies may be surprised when I say that home is the best.

Take heed - I am not of the Boka haram neither am I a blind patriot. I just emphatise with governments in Africa, out of the awareness of the human and resource capacity constraints, the debt peonage, widespread poverty , conflicts and disease and other challenges they have to contend with and compared to the rosy situation which western governments take as given. And the more involved I am in university governance, the more I realise that human beings are the most difficult to govern. You can raise a stick to chastise a dog or to herd cattle, but 'the animal called man' is different. He would snatch the stick from you and possibly, hit you. Listen Minister Egwu, governing university staff in particular is like herding cats. Unlike soldiers they tend to go in different formations when you bellow orders. I digress.

Each time I come home to Nigeria - the latest being last fortnight, I see progress when others (mostly home-based Nigerians and a vast majority of Nigerians living abroad) see retrogression. I can see the palpable progress in what used to be chaotic Lagos ! You go around the capital city of Abuja, the Lekki axis or even lowly Nassarawa, visit universities and one sees mainly architectural wonders . Many cynics would say that I am being taken in by the colourful aluminium roof-tops without looking at the empty entrails nor am I am doing a cost-benefit analysis of how much corruption is involved in the construction projects.

Where do people find money to buy plots of land at Snake Island costing 150 million naira a piece in a country where half of its population remains mired in poverty , living on sachets of 'pure water' without electricity or running water and where the best building in most villages is the village Church or the Saudi-donated mosque? You call that progress ? I have been accused of ignorance about conditions in Nigeria because of my defence of poorly performing governments - of seeking political recognition or having received egunje to launder the image of governments. None of such, dear friends.

On the contrary, I have a unique (oyato theory) about governance and corruption in Nigeria. It states that even in the presence of scarce resources, scarce water, bad express roads and poor electricity and other signs of unplanned development, these are paradoxically, signs of 'growth' if not economic development in the country. Imagine the volume of goods trafficked on the Ibadan-Lagos express road or the number of new houses plugged on the national electricity grid annually. This is why one would beg to differ a little bit from the Accra declaration of President Obama on bad governance in Africa (which read somewhat like a purely western script). How would the African politician deliver the 'dividend of democracy' to a hungry populace? Democracy does not go well on an empty stomach. In the context of 'corruption' in Africa, the same 'my people' , will demand their own share of the national cake from an elected official, regardless of the source of the money ! A governor will be threatened with impeachment , if he does not play ball and pay legislators ! How do you get good governance?

Don't get me wrong, while I do not subscribe to nor defend corruption, I can understand the climate which generates it !Let me also point out that I am not a blind patriot. In a poor country, giving disproportionate salaries to parliamentarians, academic staff or soldiers and other elite professional groups can only generate more envy, more crime and more corruption because everyone would like to join the Jones'. When workers play the National Assembly game by comparing their salaries with soldiers, it is likely to generate a vicious cycle of discontent? But listen dear governors, I sympathise with you. Apart from the fact that many of you are recouping your investments, no sane person can rule a complex society as Nigeria and still retain his sanity - apologies to President Obasanjo. But in spite of my patriotism, I seemed to have lost my head particularly on my last visit to Nigeria.

Last fortnight, I got electricity for two hours on two days out of the week. The generator located near my window by my neighbour worked on ceaselessly at night until I lost my sleep. Running water for where? I was my own local government - pumping water, generating electricity and collecting and disposing garbage. Everyone in my neighbourhood was doing the same. Worse, I travelled from Ibadan to my village - Iragberi ( a distance of some 50 kolometres) to see my aged mother, I could count at least 12 road blocks of police in national emblem collecting N50 from each motorist in broad day light in the 21st Century, at a time when former Police Inspector General Mike Okiro was saying that this (the Police) was the best profession ! Is my head still properly screwed on? The quick explanation for that show of shame is that the policemen sometimes have to pay for their uniforms, kits, petrol and allowances and this unreceipted revenue was their way of

compensating themselves!

But I can explain it all...through the inscriptions that I see on the wall of the primary schools in Osun State.. Oyin ni o or hakuna matata (Swahili for 'no problem') which I saw in Ogun State or the oyato.. joo (it is unique) that I saw in Oyo State. Our governors and legislators seem to have lost the script. They have turned to personal aggrandisement at the expense of governance! While they all have the personalised slogans, the roads are crumbling and the hurriedly-built new roads will not last. While they have the new primary schools covered with aluminium roofs, few studies are going on within the schools. While the university staff clubs are full of frolicking lecturers, no learning was going on in the university.
We all are in a jamboree of sort, an orgy of living off Niger Delta's petroleum... Oyin niio!!. Hakuna matata, oyato joo !

The failure of ideological commitment

THE just-concluded electoral war in Ekiti in which there could have been no victors and all were thoroughly vanquished is sad testimony to the fact that the sun of democracy is yet to rise over Nigeria. Ironically, in the short period between then and now, the nation has been called out to celebrate a decade of uninterrupted democracy. Whilst a few Nigerians found reason to celebrate, the vast majority simply ignored the non-event and instead devoted their undivided attention to existential matters; those concerned exclusively with keeping body and soul together, one day at a time. The few who celebrated were those who had found an avenue to divert public resources into their private coffers making it possible for them to show their gratitude for the providential situation, that is, the institution of civil rule which made it possible for them to dispense with the fear of impending starvation and other various wants necessary for a damned god quality of life.

Top on the list of the celebrants of sham democracy were some of the serving governors, those rulers of gubernatorial fiefdoms who are prime extractors of largesse from their respective states. There was the case of one such governor who made reckless and downright silly claims of good governance on no less than four coloured pages of The Guardian, clearly in the hope of convincing his serfs of voting for more of the same rubbish in elections which are all of two years away. Clearly, the man was playing infantile mind games since it is obvious that he does not hold his exalted office to votes cast in free and fair elections and has as much chance as the proverbial snowball in hell of winning any election that is not transparently fraudulent as the one that won him the Governor's mansion.

Right from the dawn of the electioneering process in Nigeria, political campaigns have been charaterised by the enumeration of the good things of life, so much so that the Action Group declared in its motto that it was going to provide 'life more abundant' for the people. Maybe there was sound justification for promising to provide all-weather roads where the only roads available were topped with laterite and the provision of electricity in communities which were lighted by humble oil lamps as soon as it got dark or 'free' education where the overwhelming majority had no acquaintance with formal education.

Sixty years ago when the level of technological development was not high enough to provide many of the good things of life, those promises were indeed justifiable not just in Nigeria but all over the world except perhaps most people living in North America. Even for these fortunate people life more abundant had only become available to them when the New Deal of F.D. Roosevelt had delivered on his promise of a chicken in every pot and a car in every porch to the Americans to whom rural electrification was still a novelty those 60 years ago. In virtually every part of the world today however all the indices of life more abundant can be taken for granted by a majority of the people except of course in Nigeria and other such backward countries, most of which are found in sub-Saharan Africa.

For more than 60 years Nigerian politicians have been singing the same discordant notes with nothing to show for all their singing. The roads which have been delivered have deteriorated to such an extent that they are hardly better than the dirt tracks which they replaced, no major town or city in Nigeria can boast of a constant (and in some cases, any) supply of clean tap water. Instead, governments at all levels celebrate the irresponsible expedient of sinking boreholes instead of taking the trouble to purify renewable surface waters. Water form boreholes like minerals, have been in storage for many thousands of years and once plundered can never be replaced. As for education, the opportunity for the acquisition of good education at reasonable cost is decreasing all the time. The overall quality of life is dropping steadily for most Nigerians and this is in spite of the numerous promises of succeeding generations of Nigerian leaders for the provision of life more abundant.

Over the years we have had military rulers and politicians across the full spectrum of the political divide ruling in various states except at the centre where a recognisably 'progressive' leader has never held sway, at least not for any length of time. That prize has always been won by consortia of politicians who build mega parties for the sole purpose of winning, or more appropriately, seizing the reins of power in crooked elections. Such parties do not even bother to make promises; such is their disdain for the electorate. These parties are home to politicians from all the nooks and crannies of Nigeria and on this basis claim to have a national spread. The sole prerequisite for all aspirants within these 'national' institutions is that they 'deliver' their constituencies to the party. How these deliveries are made is not the business of the party and we know many 'godfathers' whose methods of delivery are patently foul who have guaranteed such deliveries. With these parties in power anywhere there can be no development in any sphere within the polity and when there is no development, there is usually massive retrogression such as the country is now going through.

Some parts of the country have been ruled by so called progressive parties but even in these states, performance has not been better than patchy. These parties have always ridden to power on the back of electoral acclaim and waves of optimistic noise but the hurrahs are usually not sustained as many of the progressives are quickly exposed as men with feet of clay, making it possible for the more pragmatic 'national spread' parties to execute electoral coups against them, secure in the knowledge that their progressive opponents do not have really deep roots amongst the populace and are therefore on their own. There have been incidents of the violent rejection of rigged elections results in Nigeria but except for the wetie response to the 1965 election in the Western Region such violence is usually short-lived and easily contained leaving the looters with their prize. In any case, there is no place in politics for violent rejection of election results and this cannot be regarded as an acceptable response to electoral defeat even when underhand tactics have been employed by the winners and this of course is a common sense interpretation of political contestation which has been shamelessly exploited by the do or die politicians of the 'national spread' parties.

There are now no less than 50 registered political parties in Nigeria but not one of them has a set of principles or ideology to present to the long suffering electorate. Perhaps the only part that can be regarded as different in this respect is the defunct Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) led by the late Mallam Aminu Kano one of the very few politicians of note who have died without amassing an intimidating quantum of wealth. This abstemiousness probably explains why that much respected and principled politician did not attain high political office throughout his illustrious career. The PRP had an ideological commitment to the pursuit of a socialist agenda which is why Balarabe Musa and the real Abubakar Rimi as he then was, were willing to buck the system standing in the path of their attainment of their concrete political goals and stand resolutely on the side of the people of Kaduna and Kano states during the Second Republic. Both men, it must be said failed to achieve their stated objectives but their failure was not just grand but also honourable and worthy of emulation. It was a failure which was manifestly different from the failure of other progressives and one which points the way forward for the country if we are to make any sustained progress.

Perhaps the greatest source of the general failure of politics in Nigeria has been the failure of ideological commitment by our politicians. This is why there have been so many lateral movements by politicians of all shades throughout our political history. There have been so many examples of these that it would be unfair to call attention to any particular politician in this respect. However, a recent trend has been the abandonment of the PDP by politicians who were not able to get their party's nomination to contest the 2007 elections for other parties where they were able to secure the desired candidacy. With another election looming and fearing that the do or die party was not going to allow the lightening of losing out to strike twice in the same place, have retraced their steps and are now back under the umbrella of the 'largest political party in Africa'. In the absence of ideological commitment such inconsistencies have been elevated to the status of virtue even if people outside Nigerian politics may think the word 'prostitution' is more appropriate for the description of this cynical manoeuvre.


Professor Lamikanra teaches pharmacy at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.

The failure of ideological commitment

By Adebayo Lamikanra



THE just-concluded electoral war in Ekiti in which there could have been no victors and all were thoroughly vanquished is sad testimony to the fact that the sun of democracy is yet to rise over Nigeria. Ironically, in the short period between then and now, the nation has been called out to celebrate a decade of uninterrupted democracy. Whilst a few Nigerians found reason to celebrate, the vast majority simply ignored the non-event and instead devoted their undivided attention to existential matters; those concerned exclusively with keeping body and soul together, one day at a time. The few who celebrated were those who had found an avenue to divert public resources into their private coffers making it possible for them to show their gratitude for the providential situation, that is, the institution of civil rule which made it possible for them to dispense with the fear of impending starvation and other various wants necessary for a damned god quality of life.

Top on the list of the celebrants of sham democracy were some of the serving governors, those rulers of gubernatorial fiefdoms who are prime extractors of largesse from their respective states. There was the case of one such governor who made reckless and downright silly claims of good governance on no less than four coloured pages of The Guardian, clearly in the hope of convincing his serfs of voting for more of the same rubbish in elections which are all of two years away. Clearly, the man was playing infantile mind games since it is obvious that he does not hold his exalted office to votes cast in free and fair elections and has as much chance as the proverbial snowball in hell of winning any election that is not transparently fraudulent as the one that won him the Governor's mansion.

Right from the dawn of the electioneering process in Nigeria, political campaigns have been charaterised by the enumeration of the good things of life, so much so that the Action Group declared in its motto that it was going to provide 'life more abundant' for the people. Maybe there was sound justification for promising to provide all-weather roads where the only roads available were topped with laterite and the provision of electricity in communities which were lighted by humble oil lamps as soon as it got dark or 'free' education where the overwhelming majority had no acquaintance with formal education.

Sixty years ago when the level of technological development was not high enough to provide many of the good things of life, those promises were indeed justifiable not just in Nigeria but all over the world except perhaps most people living in North America. Even for these fortunate people life more abundant had only become available to them when the New Deal of F.D. Roosevelt had delivered on his promise of a chicken in every pot and a car in every porch to the Americans to whom rural electrification was still a novelty those 60 years ago. In virtually every part of the world today however all the indices of life more abundant can be taken for granted by a majority of the people except of course in Nigeria and other such backward countries, most of which are found in sub-Saharan Africa.

For more than 60 years Nigerian politicians have been singing the same discordant notes with nothing to show for all their singing. The roads which have been delivered have deteriorated to such an extent that they are hardly better than the dirt tracks which they replaced, no major town or city in Nigeria can boast of a constant (and in some cases, any) supply of clean tap water. Instead, governments at all levels celebrate the irresponsible expedient of sinking boreholes instead of taking the trouble to purify renewable surface waters. Water form boreholes like minerals, have been in storage for many thousands of years and once plundered can never be replaced. As for education, the opportunity for the acquisition of good education at reasonable cost is decreasing all the time. The overall quality of life is dropping steadily for most Nigerians and this is in spite of the numerous promises of succeeding generations of Nigerian leaders for the provision of life more abundant.

Over the years we have had military rulers and politicians across the full spectrum of the political divide ruling in various states except at the centre where a recognisably 'progressive' leader has never held sway, at least not for any length of time. That prize has always been won by consortia of politicians who build mega parties for the sole purpose of winning, or more appropriately, seizing the reins of power in crooked elections. Such parties do not even bother to make promises; such is their disdain for the electorate. These parties are home to politicians from all the nooks and crannies of Nigeria and on this basis claim to have a national spread. The sole prerequisite for all aspirants within these 'national' institutions is that they 'deliver' their constituencies to the party. How these deliveries are made is not the business of the party and we know many 'godfathers' whose methods of delivery are patently foul who have guaranteed such deliveries. With these parties in power anywhere there can be no development in any sphere within the polity and when there is no development, there is usually massive retrogression such as the country is now going through.

Some parts of the country have been ruled by so called progressive parties but even in these states, performance has not been better than patchy. These parties have always ridden to power on the back of electoral acclaim and waves of optimistic noise but the hurrahs are usually not sustained as many of the progressives are quickly exposed as men with feet of clay, making it possible for the more pragmatic 'national spread' parties to execute electoral coups against them, secure in the knowledge that their progressive opponents do not have really deep roots amongst the populace and are therefore on their own. There have been incidents of the violent rejection of rigged elections results in Nigeria but except for the wetie response to the 1965 election in the Western Region such violence is usually short-lived and easily contained leaving the looters with their prize. In any case, there is no place in politics for violent rejection of election results and this cannot be regarded as an acceptable response to electoral defeat even when underhand tactics have been employed by the winners and this of course is a common sense interpretation of political contestation which has been shamelessly exploited by the do or die politicians of the 'national spread' parties.

There are now no less than 50 registered political parties in Nigeria but not one of them has a set of principles or ideology to present to the long suffering electorate. Perhaps the only part that can be regarded as different in this respect is the defunct Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) led by the late Mallam Aminu Kano one of the very few politicians of note who have died without amassing an intimidating quantum of wealth. This abstemiousness probably explains why that much respected and principled politician did not attain high political office throughout his illustrious career. The PRP had an ideological commitment to the pursuit of a socialist agenda which is why Balarabe Musa and the real Abubakar Rimi as he then was, were willing to buck the system standing in the path of their attainment of their concrete political goals and stand resolutely on the side of the people of Kaduna and Kano states during the Second Republic. Both men, it must be said failed to achieve their stated objectives but their failure was not just grand but also honourable and worthy of emulation. It was a failure which was manifestly different from the failure of other progressives and one which points the way forward for the country if we are to make any sustained progress.